also was absent. Many, however, as were absent from this dirty business, there were enough, he feared, present, to insure its success.

The question being put at one o'clock in the morning, the committee divided: Yeas 67: Noes 90. A motion was then made, that the chairman do now leave the chair, which was agreed to without a division. So that the resolutions were lost.

ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH AT THE OPENING OF THE SESSION.

November 18.

THE HE session opened on the 18th of November. The speech from the throne expressed great satisfaction, in having recourse to the wisdom and support of parliament in this conjuncture, when the continuance of the rebellion in America demanded their most serious attention. The powers with which parliament had entrusted the crown for the suppression of the revolt, were declared to have been faithfully exerted; and a just confidence was expressed, that the courage and conduct of the officers, with the spirit and intrepidity of the forces, would be attended with important success: but under a persuasion that both Houses would see the necessity of preparing for such further operations, as the contingencies of the war, and the obstinacy of the rebels, might render expedient, his majesty was, for that purpose, pursuing the proper measures for keeping the land forces complete to their present establishment; and if he should have occasion to increase them, by contracting any new engagements, a reliance was placed on their zeal and public spirit to enable him to make them good. Although repeated assurances were received of the pacific disposition of foreign powers, yet as the armaments in the ports of France and Spain were continued, it was thought advisable to make a considerable augmentation to our naval force; it being equally determined not to disturb the peace of Europe on the one hand, and to be a faithful guardian of the honour of the crown on the other. The Commons were informed, that the various services which had been mentioned, would unavoidably require large supplies; and a profession was made, that nothing could relieve the royal mind from the concern which it felt for the heavy charge they must bring on the people, but a conviction of their being necessary for the welfare and essential interests of these kingdoms. The speech concluded with a resolution of steadily pursuing the measures in which they were engaged, for the re-establishment of that constitutional subordination which his majesty was determined to maintain through the several parts of his dominions; ac

companied with a profession of being watchful for an opportunity of putting a stop to the effusion of the blood of his subjects; a renewal or continuance of the former hope, that the deluded and unhappy multitude would return to their allegiance, upon a recollection of the blessings of their former government, and a comparison with the miseries of their present situation; and a declaration, that the restoration of peace, order, and confidence to his American colonies, would be considered by his majesty as the greatest happiness of his life, and the greatest glory of his reign. An address in perfect unison with the speech having been moved by Lord Hyde, and seconded by Sir Gilbert Elliot, the Marquis of Granby moved the following amendment: "To assure his majesty, that this House does most humbly advise and supplicate his majesty to be pleased to cause the most speedy and effectual measures to be taken for restoring peace in America; and that no time may be lost, in proposing an immediate cessation of hostilities there, in order to the opening of a treaty for the final settlement of the tranquillity of those invaluable provinces, by a removal of the unhappy causes of this ruinous civil war, and by a just and adequate security against the return of the like calamities in times to come: and this House desires to offer the most dutiful assurances to his majesty, that they will, in due time, cheerfully co-operate with the magnanimity and tender goodness of his majesty, for the preservation of his people, by such explicit and most solemn declarations and provisions of fundamental and irrevocable laws, as may be judged necessary for ascertaining and fixing for ever, the respective rights of Great Britain and her colonies." The amendment was seconded by Lord John Cavendish, and was warmly supported in general by the Opposition.

Mr. Fox asserted, that the idea of conquering America was absurd; and that such an event was, in the nature of things, absolutely impossible. He proved his assertion from the situation of the country, the disposition of the people, and the distance from Great Britain. He said, that though the resources of this empire might be such as to enable us to carry on the war for several campaigns more, there was a fundamental error in the proceedings, which would for ever prevent our generals from acting with success: that no man of common sense would have placed the two armies in such a position as from their distance made it utterly impossible that one should receive any assistance from the other. That the war carried on by General Burgoyne, was a war of posts: that the taking of one did not subdue the country, but that it would be necessary to conquer it inch by inch that his army was not equal to the task, for the numerous skirmishes with the enemy, and the natural difficulties of the country, would so retard his motions, that the campaign must be ended before the object of it was fulfilled; and that if he was happy enough to join Sir William Howe, it must be with nothing more than the shat

tered remains of an army mouldered away, which might have been of some service to the cause, if by the blunders of the ministry they had not been sent where it was impossible they could act, unless under the greatest disadvantages; such as must be obvious to a man of the meanest abilities, and which could escape no one but the inauspicious minister for American affairs. He was severe on Lord George Germain: he declared that ever since the day that nobleman forced himself into administration, our affairs began rapidly to decline. That it was the measures which he dictated to the ministry, that drove the Americans to a declaration of independence; and that as he was the cause of the continuance of the war, so he ought not only to be removed from the management of our officers, but be made to know, that a minister was accountable to the nation for the orders he gave, and the measures he advised. He expressed the greatest horror at arming the Indians, and letting them loose, not only against the troops of America, but also against the defenceless women and children, whose bodies even death could not rescue from the insults and barbarity of the savages. He said, he wondered how a prince so famed for his humanity, benevolence, and sanctity of manners, as his present majesty was, could abet or suffer such miscreants to remain in his camp, when it was well known that brutality, murder, and destruction, were ever inseparable from Indian warriors. He took a cursory view of the operations of the several campaigns; shewed how little we had gained, and of course how little we might expect to gain; and expressed his hearty wishes that we were now in as good a state, as when the noble lord found us, in 1775. He asserted that France was the directress of our motions; that we went no farther than she thought proper to permit us; and that the fate of the American contest depended on her councils; that if she declared war, the immediate consequence must be an evacuation of America; our troops and ships must be called home to defend ourselves, and America of course become free. He reprobated all the proceedings: and asked for what purpose hostilities were commenced? If it was to maintain the navigation act, why were so many French bottoms employed in the river? If it was to raise a revenue, he observed, that the ministry took a very curious step to effect their purpose, by plunging the nation into a new debt of fifteen millions. If they intended to secure the commerce of America by arms, they had most happily hit upon a plan, that not only deprived us of the benefit of it, but had thrown it all into the hands of our enemies. He said, if terms were offered to the Americans before it was too late, they might perhaps accept them: that at least it would be doing no more than justice required at

our hands; that it would detach many of them from the Congress, and by dividing them, facilitate a conquest; that he could not wish to see them reduced to unconditional submission; which it was not more unjust to require, than impossible to force them to. He concluded by giving his hearty consent to the amendment.

MR. FOX'S MOTION FOR AN ENQUIRY INTO THE STATE OF THE NATION.

December 2.

IN pursuance of the notice he had given,

Mr. Fox rose to move the House, that on a future day they should form themselves into a committee of the whole House, to consider of the state of the nation. He thought it necessary, he said, to explain the meaning and extent of the several motions he meant to propose, which he would do in a very few words. He meant, then, that the committee should consider the expences that the nation had incurred in consequence of the American war, and the resources that we possess to raise the supplies necessary for its continuance. In the second place, the loss of men from that war. Thirdly, the situation of trade, both with regard to America and the foreign markets. Fourthly, the present situation of the war, and the hopes that we might rightly entertain from its continuance, and the conduct and measures of the present administration, of a lasting peace, and also our present situation in regard to foreign powers. And fifthly, to consider what progress Sir William and Lord Howe had made in consequence of the powers intrusted to them as commissioners, by an act of the 16th of his present majesty's reign, for granting pardons, &c. for the purpose of bringing about a peace between Great Britain and the colonies. Under these

general heads, many other enquiries would arise, and it would be the business of the committee to follow every path that promised to lead to a thorough investigation and discovery of the real state of the nation. If, continued he, it appears that the nation is in a bad state, and that the late and present measures of administration have reduced us to an extremity, which he was afraid they certainly had, a new system must be introduced, and a new set of ministers appointed; but if, on the contrary, the nation should be found in a flourishing state, and the present measures likely to prove successful, the present system should be, by all means, continued, and the present ministers remain in power; for none, he was assured, but the present ministers, could prosecute the present system. He concluded with moving, " That this House will, upon Monday, the 2d of February next, resolve itself into a committee of the whole House, to consider of the state of the nation."

Lord North said he cheerfully agreed to the motion, and would do all in his power to promote the great end he had in view. Nothing would give him more true delight, than to convince the House that the state of the nation was much more flourishing than many of the opposite side actually did, or affected to believe. At the same time he wished to be understood, that his ready compliance with the motion should not preclude him from objecting to papers being laid before the House that might prove inconvenient, or hurtful to the country. The motion was agreed to: and the House was ordered to be called over on the 2d of February.

Mr. Fox rose again, and moved, "That there be laid before this House: 1. An Account of all the men lost and disabled in his majesty's land service (including marines serving on shore, and all foreign troops in British pay) by death, desertion, captivity, wounds, or sickness, in any province of North America, since the 1st of November, 17743 distinguishing each year, corps, and service. 2. A List of the different ships and vessels of war, and hired armed vessels, which have been employed in his majesty's service in North America, since the 1st of November 1774; together with the number of men lost or rendered unserviceable in each ship or vessel respectively, by death, desertion, captivity, wounds, or sickness; distinguishing each head. 3. General Returns of the hospitals in North America, made up from the 1st of November 1774, to the 1st of October 1777; together with the state of them, according to the last returns; distinguishing the numbers of men of all denominations which have died or recovered during the above-mentioned period. 4. An Ac