commendable part. But as probably he spoke without notes, and might have dropped a word or expression without any intention, he wished that the motion might be withdrawn, and the affair be thus terminated; for though the Speaker might imagine he was delivering the sentiments of the House, from hurry and inadvertency, it was possible, he might not even have delivered his own. The Speaker said, he understood that great pains had been taken without doors to represent his speech as not conveying the sense of the House. For his part, if he erred, he did not err intentionally; he meant to convey the opinion of the House, and looked upon himself fully justified both in point of fact and precedent. If he misrepresented what he meant faithfully to convey, he trusted the House would excuse him. He knew such addresses to the throne had been frequent; he was sure they were proper, He said, he thought it incumbent on him to let his majesty know what was the sense of the House; and, in so doing, imagined he was acting in the faithful discharge of the trust committed to him: if the House thought otherwise, he could not, nor would not, remain in that chair. Mr. Dunning said, the dignity of the House was gone, if the chair was permitted to be degraded. It was plain the blow was ultimately aimed at the House through the chair; and that the present was an experiment, made purely with a view to see to what a pitch of humiliation and disgrace the House would bear to be humbled and let down. It was, in fact, an attempt of a court faction, to render the representatives of the people despicable, as well as detestable, in the eyes of their constituents. Mr. Attorney General Thurlow entered into a kind of dissection of the speech. He insisted, that it neither contained the sentiments of the House, nor was it strictly supported by fact; for, "the large present supply, &c. great beyond his majesty's highest wants, &c." did not exceed 14,000l. which was represented in the speech to be "a very great additional revenue." The great stress laid on the overplus might have been better spared, as it would have been extremely mean, when they were voting the augmentation, to withhold the difference between the expenditure and the grant. He contended, that the Speaker spoke his own sentiments, not those of the House. He recommended, that the affair might go no farther, but that the motion might be withdrawn.

Mr. Fox spoke in justification of his motion. He said, the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Ellis) had given, what he should call the watch-word; which had been followed by the attorney general. He observed, that those gentlemen had founded their argument for withdrawing the motion chiefly on the speech not being the sentiments of the House; whereas the contrary was the fact, and the journals gave evidence of it. But, however, if those gentlemen and their friends thought differently, as the framer of the motion, he was ready to come to issue on that point with them, and doubted not but he should prevail. He was satisfied that the House would never

consent to their own degradation and disgrace in the person of their Speaker, nor would submit to contradict on a Friday, what they had approved on the Wednesday immediately preceding. Among the many censures, and more numerous insinuations, thrown out against the speech, it was said not to be grammar. He should not enter into nice grammatical distinctions, or trouble himself or the House about a choice of words, or elegancies of expression; but he was sure, if the Speech was not grammar, it abounded in good sense, which was of infinitely greater value, and conveyed the true, un biassed sense of the House, and of every man on either side, till he was bought over to a sacrifice of his principles and conscience.

Mr. Rigby still adhered to his former opinion, and justified his conduct on his right to deliver his sentiments freely on every subject arising in that House, or out of it, if it was a matter properly cognizable there; but he disclaimed the least intention of making any personal reflection on the chair; and moved that the House do now adjourn." This motion was opposed by Governor Johnstone, Sir George Savile, Mr. Sawbridge, and Sir George Yonge. Mr. Solicitor General Wedderburn wished the affair might be suffered to pass off without taking the sense of the House upon it. Upon which, Mr. Rigby said, if it was the sense of the House, he was ready to consent that the motion of adjournment should be withdrawn. He had no intention of driving the Speaker from the chair; nor, if he were ever so desirous so to do, was he of power or consequence enough to effect it. He maintained the right of private opinion, and freedom of speech; he meant no more from the beginning; and, as a member of that House, in so doing, he presumed, he had not exceeded his duty, The motion of adjournment was then withdrawn, and the question being put on Mr. Fox's motion, it was carried without a division, almost unanimously. As soon as the motion was carried, Mr. Serjeant Adair moved, "that the thanks of this House be returned to Mr. Speaker, for his said speech to his majesty," which was likewise agreed to.

THE BUDGET.

May 14.

LORD NORTH having opened the Budget,

Mr. Fox rose and observed, that the great object of the war was a revenue to be drawn from America. Experience had now

convinced all men of common sense, let the present campaign be ever so prosperous in point of victory or negociation, that no revenue now, nor hereafter, was to be drawn, or even so much as expected, from America. The idea was scouted by his lordship's warmest friends; yet the noble lord, to amuse the country gentlemen, talked of relief from that quarter. Our burthens were to be shifted on the shoulders of our American brethren. He doubted much whether the noble lord had ever any such serious expectation. He might have an immediate interest in affecting to think so; but whatever might be his motives then, he was certain the noble lord would not roundly assert, that he seriously expected America would ever afford any other revenue to Great Britain but what might be derived from her trade in amity, even in the event of a successful war, or an amicable negociation. He appealed to his lordship, if the tea-tax was not the cause of the present war? Was it consistent with common sense, that America, with a powerful fleet and army, would enter into a negociation to pay a tax which they had spent so much blood and treasure to resist? It was preposterous to hold out such ideas to a society of grown persons. His lordship must surely by this time have learned, that even that House began to be tired; the sensible men, the noble lord's own friends, are grown sick of war, and the expence attending it. Contractors and placemen, and their dependents, only wished for its continuance. If they are ashamed to take the task upon themselves, the Lords may do it for them. They will have been the means of repealing the plate-tax, why not dispose of that on tea in the same manner? He endeavoured to prove, that the nation would be a loser of above ten per cent. upon the loan, which was full half a million: and that, considering all circumstances, it was the most scandalous bargain that ever was made for the public. He was certain, he said, that a shilling would never be got from America; for, after the repeated successes which he had often heard dwelt upon in that House, our troops had gained in America, and the cry in consequence of those successes, that America was conquered, and all was over; what was the case? On the very first action in which America had the advantage, and defeated the Hessians in their post at Trenton, the American army increased immediately; our army was obliged to give way; nor had we force to protect or avail ourselves of the advantages we had gained, so as to be able to keep our ground. From this single circumstance, he had a right to infer two things; that our force was not equal to conquest, and that it was impossible we could expect to bring America over by fair means, while we continued to insist on taxing her.

He

was very severe on the inhuman conduct of the Hessians, in plundering the innocent natives, and abusing the aged and helpless. Our own troops were almost as culpable, with this difference, that the English spent the spoil, and the foreign barbarians hoarded it. He could venture to inform the House, that America had raised a very formidable force against the next campaign, with little or no difficulty, while our army would be considerably weaker than it was at the opening of the last. He had frequently heard the paper money of the colonies depreciated by the noble lord; but he doubted, notwithstanding the painted outside held forth this day, whether it would not be found security equally substantial with any one fund the noble lord could devise.

EAST INDIA COMPANY'S AFFAIRS.-DEPOSITION AND IMPRISONMENT OF LORD PIGOT.

THE

May 21.

HE House being in a committee of the whole House, on the affairs of the East India Company, Governor Johnstone moved several resolutions, upon which, if carried, he intended to found a bill for the better securing our settlements in the East Indies. The resolutions went to a strong approbation of Lord Pigot's conduct, as governor of Madras; to a confirmation of those late acts of the Company, which had been either passed in his favour, or in condemnation of the conduct of the faction at Madras; and to annul the resolution for his recall. The motion was strongly opposed by the friends of administration, though most of the principals were upon this occasion absent. On the other side, Mr. Rous, Mr. T. Townshend, Mr. Fox, and Mr. Burke, were on this day particularly distinguished.

Mr. Fox opened with a remark as to the objection of bringing on the business at that time of the year; he desired gentlemen to remember that it was in the month of May they voted away the liberties of America, that it was in the month of May they voted the Quebec establishment so contrary to our constitution; and he thought no time so proper as the present for the business before them. When a noble lord (Pigot) had suffered a violence unknown under any legal government in the world; had been thrown from his seat of office, arrested, imprisoned, and his life threatened by the military power, trampling upon the civil, it was necessary to

make an enquiry how this dark transaction had been contrived, and by whose influence, those who were the principal actors and agents in it, were encouraged both at home and in India. He said it was evident the nabob of Arcot wanted to be master of the East India Company's affairs; and this he could not effect, without removing a governor sent out expressly to controul his power. Lord Pigot was the only governor in any part of his majesty's dominions who had gone out without the approbation of the minister, therefore he must be removed, therefore the agent of the nabob must be countenanced here, and a resolution to recall him be contrived for the purpose. For his part, he saw it was impossible for the muscles of the human face to be kept composed, while such an absurd resolution was read: he never had met with any one man, of any party whatever, who approved it. He had heard, ever since he knew any thing of public affairs, that Tanjore was a rich country, that all the other parts of India had been plucked till they could bear no more, but Tanjore still remained to be fleeced, and would afford fine pickings for the nabob of the Carnatic and his party in England and in Asia. He saw a chain of connection established long since between the nabob and administration, which was now made public by the arrival of the nabob's ambassador, who had not yet declared himself in form, but had been perfectly well received. He justified Lord Pigot principally upon the justification and representation of his enemies and persecutors; upon the accounts transmitted home by Mr. Stratton, and the other counsellors, who stood in the same predicament. He contended, that this was evidence not to be controverted, or explained away. It was a record against the parties, the truth and authenticity of which they could not now dare to appeal from. He said, the effect of this evidence throughout, led to the most certain self-conviction. He passed the highest encomiums on the virtues and military talents of Lord Pigot; and was so very able, pointed, convincing, and severe, that several of the members, in a transport of approbation, forgot themselves so far, as to testify it in accents of Bravo! Hear him!— which they accompanied with a clapping of hands [a conduct unprecedented.] He observed, that there was a remarkable deficiency of members in the House, which shewed the opinion that men in office had of the business. One learned gentleman, the attorney general, was ill; the next in the law did not choose to be present, to risk the defence of such a procceding as that now condemned; he supposed he too was ill. A noble lord (George Germain), who was upon every occasion so anxious to discountenance rebellion in the west, might have been supposed an equal enemy to it in the cast,-but he