« ZurückWeiter »
made the sign of the Cross with his right hand, and then his head sank towards his breast. After midnight, when the brothers sang
matins in the Cathedral, one of those watching with him, took the Book of the Gospels and read from it the text which they were accustomed to read that day at Mass. When he reached the words, “ Ye are they which have continued with me in my temptations. And I appoint unto you a kingdom, as my Father hath appointed unto me; that ye may eat and drink at my table in my kingdom" (Luke xxii. 28–30), Anselm began to breathe more feebly, and, with the break of dawn (April 21, 1109), Wednesday before Easter, he fell asleep, entering that kingdom to which his soul already belonged, and which his works illustrated.
BY THE EDITOR.
O du lieber Kindheit's Christag!
Lebst noch wack'rig in meim Hertz;
Fühl ich-was en Hämweh-Schmertz!
Zwischa mir un seller Zeit;
Beschtes Licht der Kindheit's Freud.
Ya, ich sehn der Christbaam funkla
Schmunzla an der Stuba Wand;
Himmel schö im Erdeland.
Nüss und Zucker allerlei;
Wer schaft all die Sacha beil
Des war sure der gut Kristkingle,
Er hot alles des gemacht;
In der stillen Christennacht?
Yagt er mit seim Schlitta bei;
Mit seim Sack am Scharnsta nei.
'S is alles stilll--die Kinner stecka
Snug im Bett un Trauma scho;
Er thut all sei Sach alleh:
Schleicht herum im ganza Haus;
Und dann-Whew!-zum Scharnsta naus!
Möcht den Wundermann mol sehna,
Doch er is zu schlicht un schlau!
Is sei Bart sehr lang un grau?
Is sei G'sicht so bräd und fett?
Is er so gar kreislich nett?
Ach! ich möcht ihn sehna geh;
Ueber Frost, un Ice, un Schnee!
Net weil 's fahra geht so gut,
Uf der Kinner Christbaam thut.
Deel Leut mehna des wer Fabel,
Es wer ken Kristkingle so;
Slowe Christa glaaba slow.
Sag ich er hot des gemacht.
Bleibe immer frisch un yung;
Singt ein yede Kinder Zung!
Komme freudig, sanft un sacht;
In der heil'gen Christennacht.
PUBLIC DISHONESTY AND CORRUPTION.
Fowler, the phrenologist, remarked, in a lecture, just before the war, that the development of the human race in the present age, had reached about as high up in the brain as the organ of acquisitiveness. It is not necessary to be a believer in the claims of phrenology to the ranks of scieuce, in order to see what is contained in this assertion of its great American advocate. Nor must we adopt the infidelity of the New York school of Materialists, if we admit any of the partial truths which they hold in very gross unrighteousness.
That we may reach, therefore, the idea sought to be set forth in the illustration of Fowler, we must premise the following: The region of the human head, in which the organ of acquisitiveness is located, according to the system called phrenology, is not half way up the side of the head-a little forward and upward from the top of the ear. The base or lower part of the brain or head, is also said to be the seat of the lowest animal propensities. Above these, in regular gradation as we ascend toward the top and front of the head, are represented the organs of the social, the selfish, the moral, and the intellectual parts of the brain.
Well, then, according to this planning or mapping of the head, man, in this conception of human perfectability, was, in the earlier ages of the human race, little above the level of the brute. Animality was his characteristic trait. If he had higher powers of endowment, they were as yet not drawn out; so the life of man, in a general way, was only down on a plane or level with the base of the brain. When this age was, historically, we have no clear record in the historic period! The nearest conception we can have of it, in the way of example, is to be found in the purely savage state-of which there are well known facts recorded.
Having, however, made some progress towards perfection in the ideal of human life, if the animal be the starting-point from which as a standard his after stages can be measured, then man may be expected to go on past his present stage of advancement in the idea of property and possession. His materiality will be more refined, by mechanical training, till it reaches a more intellectual and moral state! Such is the theory. Animality is surmounted by materiality-and this is in turn by sociality, which gives way to morality; and intellectuality will, in the end, crown all.
Alas! for human perfectibility, on this wise! So far as we know, human nature is, cæteris paribus, always the same. Cain murdered; and so did Booth. Absalom was a politician and usurping rebel; and so was Jeff. Davis. Judas was a traitor; and so were a whole spawn of that ilkYancy, Toombs, Floyd, Slidell, Thompson and the rest. Achan appropriated the wedge of gold to himself, and Gehazi, the prophet's servant, lied for the two talents of silver in bags and two changes of raiment; so have the shoddyites and corrupt political contractors fattened on the calamities of our country.
If there is one fact developed more plainly than any other by the terrible scourge
war, from which we as a nation have suffered, it is the rottenness of public honesty, as seen in political corruptions, frauds, defalcations, briberies, intrigues, and moral dishonesty of many who aspire to places of trust in the government.
Perhaps one of the worst symptoms in this horrible disease of the public morals, is the fact that the gross corruption of public officials is not only generally known and not rebuked, but even, by consent, excused, allowed, and even apologized for by the party in whose name these dishonest things are done. "Blinded by party bigotry, even the honest portion of the people wink at the corruptions known to belong to their party leaders. The public corruption of politicians is so common, that it is thought to belong to the trade. It is even taken as an evidence of smartness, adroitness, and so of qualification for place and power, if their man in these parts excels the one set up by the other party.
Moral honesty in a public man is now rather a hinderance to political success, than a virtue. He must not be too particular, his friends think, as to the means used to secure nomination and election. He must buy drinks, fee his friends, pledge ande promise any thing, in order to get into
place; and then he is expected to make up for all it cost him to get there, not by the moderate salary generally received, but by the “stealings,” the “pickings, or the briberies” that his influence can command. It is a well known fact that almost all legislation is bought. Every act of incorporation or privileged franchise, where gain is beyond, is paid for; so that every such law has its price, either for enactment or repeal, and for signature or veto. Not so much, then, for the honest salary, as for the “extras," these men desire office. On their salary alone, spending what they do for their election or appointment, they would starve. But as matters now go, many grow rich. They actually fatten in one term, and retire, almost satisfied, at the end of a second. Men of broken fortunes usually take this means to recover; and if they are “smart,” and not too honest, they generally succeed.
A few examples will illustrate this point. It was found necessary, a few years ago, to prevent certain legislative action, which, it was thought, would be in the way of the interests of liquor dealers. Forthwith they raised a hundred thousand dollars, the sum they thought sufficient to buy up the legislature. They sent their borers to the capitol, and did their whole business for thirty-five thousand dollars! Two facts here are astonishing: first, that the Legislature of the State were so cheaply bought; and secondly, that the borers did not keep the larger surplus amount.
Large swindles pay the best. If a mammoth incorporation can save from seven hundred thousand to one million dollars a year, it can easily afford to not only buy the members of the Legislature, but give fifty or a hundred thousand to charitable objects, and be praised as exceedingly ge
East and west the same spirit rules. Take the following, cut from a daily paper
REMARKABLE CONCURRENCE OF OPINION. All the papers of Chicago, Democratic and Republican, concur in the opinion, that the late Legislature of Illinois was the most corrupt body of men ever convened. The only difference is, that the Times charges the corruption upon the “Abolitionists," while the other papers assert that the Democratic members were as ready as any to sanction all its corrupt action. These papers charge bribery by the wholesale, and dishonesty in every form upon that honorable body.
Here is another:
GROSS CORRUPTION OF OFFICIALS.
London, with a' population of two and a half millions, is admirably governed for about $12,000,000 a year. Paris, with a population of a million and a half, is kept in perfect order for about $10,000,000 per annum. But New York, which has a population of only eight hundred thousand, pays about $17,000,000 a year, and is miserably misgoverned and in the vilest disorder.
When Wood was first elected Mayor, six millions were enough for the city of New York.
If it be at its worst, we may hope for a change, and that cannot but be for the better. This clip from a daily, seems to think so :
HARD ON GOTHAM. It is thought the census they are now taking
in New York, will show the population of that city to be one million. This would give the city twenty-eight (instead of seventeen) of the 128 members of the General Assembly. The Sun thinks "the effect of this increase will be truly deplorable, as an increase in the number of rascals is generally followed by a corresponding increase in roguery." The Tribune differs from the Sun, and thinks that though the number be doubled or trebled, “it will not be possible to render the average more mercenary, more profligate, more unprincipled and disgraceful than it has been for the last five or six years.” It is not confined to our country. Europe has a touch of the same dis
One of our papers thus compares England with ourselves :
DISGRACE OF AN ENGLISH LORD CHANCELLOR. “On the 3d day of July the English House of Commons passed a vote of censure upon Lord Westbury, the Chancellor of the realm, and on the following day he tendered his resignation, which was accepted. The scandal with which this eminent official was charged, was, stated in brief, the prostitution of his office for money. One item of this grave offence was the conferring of a pension upon a certain Mr. Welch, who had paid the Chancellor's son £1,050 in consideration of the favor. The vote of the House of Commons was a declaration that the Chancellor was believed to be cognizant of the bribe taken by his son. A strenuous effort was made to save him by the Lord Advocate and the Attorney-General, and even Lord Palmerston, with his accustomed adroitness, attempted to wheedle the House into forgiving the iniquity, by a recital of the legal reforms which had been introduced by the Chancellor. But sophistry was too patent. The honor of the English nation was in a measure at stake, and the House, with a sturdiness and promptitude which did it infinite credit, negatived all motions to shield the guilty officer, and adopted the resolution: of censure without a division.
We are accustomed in this country to discourse eloquently about our superior virtues as a people, but it must be said to our shame, that we do not deal with respectable delinquents in the same vigorous fashion that the English House of Commons has just displayed. Official misdemeanors with us are almost invariably made party questions, and if there be sufficient partisan strength to protect a criminal, it is generally exercised in his behalf. It is not pleasant for us to make this assertion, but it is a serious fact, and there is no kind of use in attempting to gloss it over. The American people will tolerate pretty nearly any thing from a successful man. A public man who is for the time popular, may do things which, perpetrated by an obscure person, would invoke at once the attention of District Attorneys, and the kindly services of a dozen “true and lawful” jurors. That we are getting to regard, with questionable latitude, the morals of those who represent us in official stations, is a melancholy fact. In the large cities the corruption of officials is a standing subject of comment by
and in our legislative bodies there is too much reason to fear the same loose notions of integrity prevail.”
During the war, the most astounding dishonesties have come to light. Men have made colossal fortunes on a single contract. Look at the his