prefly declared. There had been no event to call up fuch a declaration. I trouble not myself with the grammatical meaning of the word expulfion. I regard only its legal meaning. This was not, as I think, precifely fixed. The house thought proper to fix it, and explicitly to declare the full confequences of their former vote, before they fuffered these confequences to take effect. And in this proceeding they acted upon the moft liberal and folid principles of equity, juftice and law. What then did the burgeffes of Lynn collect from the second vote? Their fubfequent conduct will tell us: it will with certainty tell us, that they confidered it as decifive against Mr. Walpole; it will also, with equal certainty, tell us, that, upon suppofition that the law of election stood then, as it does now, and that they knew it to ftand thus, they inferred, "that at a future,elec“tion, and in cafe of a fimilar return, the "houfe would receive the fame candidate, as

duly elected, whom they had before rejected." They could infer nothing but this.

It is needlefs to repeat the circumstance of diffimilarity in the prefent case. It will be fufficient to obferve, that as the law of parliament, upon which the house of com

mons

mons grounded every ftep of their proceedings, was clear beyond the reach of doubt, fo neither could the freeholders of Middlefex be at a lofs, to foresee what must be the inevitable confequence of their proceedings. in oppofition to it. For upon every return of Mr. Wilkes, the houfe made enquiry, whether any votes were given to any other candidate?

BUT I could venture, for the experiment's fake, even to give this writer the utmost he afks; to allow the most perfect fimilarity throughout in these two cafes; to allow, that the law of expulfion was quite as clear to the burgeffes of Lynn, as to the freeholders of Middlefex. It will, I am confident, avail his caufe but little. It will only. prove, that, the law of election at that time was different from the prefent law. It will prove, that, in all cafes of an incapable candidate returned, the law then was, that the whole election fhould be void. But now we know that this is not law. The cases of Malden and Bedford were, as has been seen, determined upon other and more juft principles. And thefe determinations are, I imagine, admitted on all fides, to be law.

I

2

I WOULD willingly draw a veil over the remaining part of this paper. It is aftonishing, it is painful, to fee men of parts and ability, giving into the most unworthy artifices, and defcending fo much below their true line of character. But if they are not the dupes of their fophiftry, (which is hardly to be conceived) let them confider that they are something much worse.

THE deareft interefts of this country are its laws and its conftitution. Against every attack upon thefe, there will, I hope, be always found amongst us the firmeft fpirit of refiftance; fuperior to the united efforts of faction and ambition. For ambition, though it does not always take the lead of faction, will be fure in the end to make the moft fatal advantage of it, and draw it to its own purposes. But, I truft, our day of trial is yet far off; and there is a fund of good fenfe in this country, which cannot long be deceived, by the arts either of falfe reafoning or false patriotism.

LET

LETTER

XX.

TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC AD

SIR,

VERTISER.

8. August 1769. THE gentleman, who has

published an answer to Sir William Meredith's pamphlet, having honoured me with a poftfcript of fix quarto pages, which he moderately calls, bestowing a very few words upon me, I cannot, in common politeness, refuse him a reply. The form and magnitude of a quarto imposes upon the mind; and men, who are unequal to the labour of difcuffing an intricate argument, or wish to avoid it, are willing enough to suppose, that much has been proved, because much has been faid. Mine, I confefs, are humble labours. I do not prefume to inftruct the learned, but fimply to inform the body of the people; and I prefer that channel of conveyance, which is likely to spread fartheft among them. The advocates of the ministry seem to me to write for fame, and to flatter themselves, that the fize of their works will make them immortal.

They

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They pile up reluctant quarto upon folid folio, as if their labours, because they are gigantic, could contend with truth and heaven.

THE writer of the volume in queftion meets me upón my own ground. He acknowledges there is no ftatute, by which the fpecific difability we speak of is created, but he affirms, that the custom of parliament has been referred to, and that a case strictly in point has been produced, with the decifion of the court upon it.-I thank him for coming fo fairly to the point. He afferts, that the cafe of Mr. Walpole is ftrictly in point to prove that expulfion creates an absolute incapacity of being re-elected; and for this purpose he refers generally to the first vote of the house upon that occafion, without venturing to recite the vote itself. The unfair, difingenuous artifice of adopting that part of a precedent, which feems to fuit his purpose, and omitting the remainder, deferves fome pity, but cannot excite my refentment. He takes advantage eagerly of the first refolution, by which Mr. Walpole's incapacity is declared; but as to the two following, by which the candidate with the feweft votes was declared "not I « duly