his which must ever recur prominently to the grateful memory of his country. He was, in an especial manner, the founder and author of that glorious constitution which is the bond of our Union and the charter of our liberties, and it was graciously vouchsafed to him, in the order of providence, to witness, for a longer period than any of his illustrious colleagues, the rich blessings which have resulted from its establishment. He was the last surviving signer of that sacred instrument. Amid the general grief which pervades the nation, may we not indulge one consolation at least, in the hope that his death, whilst adding the last seal to his own fame and glory, will, in some sort, canonize the work of his hands, and surround with a new veneration that precious relic of the wisdom of our departed patriots and sages.

But, sir, I will not speak of the public life of Mr. Madison; it is known to us all; it is appreciated by us all. It was my privilege to see and to know him in the scenes of that classic retirement in which he passed the evening of his days. It was there that the mild lustre of his private virtues, which formed the crowning grace of his character, and is the indispensable complement of a true public glory, was seen and felt. But who can paint him there? Who can adequately describe that fascinating suavity of temper and manners, that spirit and grace of conversation so happily blended with the oracles of philosophy and experience, that amiable and cultivated benevolence, ever watchful of the feelings and comfort of others, even in the minutest trifles, which, together, formed, around the hearth of Montpelier, a group of social virtues and attractions which, however incompetent the powers of language to portray, none who have felt their influence can ever forget? In speaking of these things, Mr. President, I am but too forcibly reminded of my own personal loss in the general and national calamity which we all bewail. I was the neighbor of Mr. Madison, sir, and enjoyed his kindness and friendship; and if, in speaking of a great national bereavement, my mind recurs too fondly to the chasm his death has left in the immediate circle of his friends, something, I trust, will be pardoned to the feelings of the heart.

It is my melancholy satisfaction to have received, in all probability, the last letter ever signed by his hand. It bears date only six days before his death, and furnishes, in its contents, a striking illustration of that amiable benevolence, and sensibility to the kindness of others, which formed so prominent a trait in his character. In that letter, which is now before me, he spoke of his enfeebled health, and his trembling and unsteady signature, so much in contrast with the usual firmness and regularity of his writing, bore a graphic and melancholy intimation of his approaching end. Still I trusted that his light might hold out to the 4th of July, that he might be restored on

[SENATE.

| that glorious anniversary to an immortal companionship with those great men and patriots with whom he had been intimately connected in life, and whose coincident deaths, on the birthday of the nation's freedom, had imparted to that day, if possible, an additional and mysterious illustration. But it has been ordered otherwise. His career has been closed at an epoch which, forty-nine years ago, witnessed his most efficient labors in the illustrious assembly which laid the foundations of our present system of Government, and will thus, by the remembrance of his death, as well as by the services of his life, more closely associate him with that great work which is at once the source and the guarantee of his country's happiness and glory.

What honors, Mr. President, are there, by which we can do justice to a character which history will hold up to future ages as a model of public and private virtue, not surpassed by the brightest examples in ancient or modern times? Sir, there are none. Still it is proper that, as representatives of the American people, we should show, by some suitable manifestations, how sincerely and deeply we participate in the universal feeling of grief on this mournful occasion; and I move you, therefore, the following resolution:

Resolved, That a committee be appointed on the part of the Senate, to join such committee as may be appointed on the part of the House, to consider and report by what token of respect and affection it may be proper for the Congress of the United States to express the deep sensibility of the nation to the event of the decease of Mr. Madison, just announced by the President of the United States.

The resolution was unanimously adopted; and,

On motion of Mr. RIVES, the committee was appointed by the Chair, consisting of the following gentlemen: Messrs. RIVES, CLAY, CALHOUN, GRUNDY, BUCHANAN, LEIGH, and TALLMADGE.

Supplementary Deposit Bill.

The bill supplemental to the act to regulate the public deposits was read the third time and passed, by yeas and nays, as follows:

YEAS.-Messrs. Bayard, Buchanan, Clayton, Cuthdricks, Kent, King of Alabama, King of Georgia, bert, Davis, Ewing of Ohio, Goldsborough, HenLinn, Nicholas, Niles, Page, Porter, Preston, Robbins, Robinson, Southard, Swift, Tomlinson, Wall, Wright-24.

NAYS.-Messrs. Benton, Brown, Mangum, Moore Walker, White-6.

Respect to James Madison.

Mr. RIVES, from the select committee appointed to meet such committee as might be appointed by the other House to consider and report by what token of respect and affection it may be proper for the Congress of the United States to express the deep sensibility of the nation in the event of the decease of Mr. Madison,

JULY, 1836.]

[SENATE.

Mr. NILES said that he did not wish to prolong the debate; yet, from the relation in which he stood to the subject, he felt it a duty to express his approbation of the resolution which had been reported by the Committee on Foreign Affairs. He fully concurred in the views of the committee. He thought they had gone far enough, and had stopped at the proper point. He had on a former occasion expressed the opinion that it would be premature unqualifiedly to recognize the independence of Texas at this time, and he had seen nothing to change this opinion.

Mr. SOUTHARD said:

I am not prepared to unite in the general expression of a belief that the independence of Texas is secured, and her struggle over. It seems to me impossible that this can be the case. Texas may-she probably will-at some period, perhaps not remote, establish her independence on a foundation which Mexico cannot shake. She has temptations to offer to enterprise, ambition, and avarice, to the better and the baser passions of our nature, which may draw to her very efficient aid in her conflict, and will, probably, carry her triumphantly through it.

Mr. BENTON said he should confine himself strictly to the proposition presented in the resolution, and should not complicate the abstract question of recognition with speculations on the future fate of Texas. Such speculations could have no good effect upon either of the countries interested; upon Mexico, Texas, or the United States. Texas has not asked for admission into this Union. Her independence is still contested by Mexico. Her boundaries, and other importantt points in her political condition, are not yet adjusted. To discuss the question of her admission into this Union, under these circumstances, is to treat her with disrespect, to embroil ourselves with Mexico, to compromise the disinterestedness of our motives in the eyes of Europe, and to start among ourselves prematurely, and without reason, a question, which, whenever it comes,

I voted in 1821 to acknowledge the absolute independence of Mexico; I vote now to recognize the contingent and expected independence of Texas. In both cases the vote is given upon the same principle-upon the principle of disjunction where conjunction is impossible or disastrous. The union of Mexico and Spain had become impossible; that of Mexcio and Texas is no longer desirable or possible. A more fatal present could not be made than that of the future incorporation of the Texas of La Salle with the ancient empire of Montezuma. They could not live together, and extermination is not the genius of the age; and, besides, is more easily talked of than done. Bloodshed only could be the fruit of their conjunction; and every drop of that blood would be the dragon's teeth sown upon the earth. No wise Mexican should wish to have this Trojan horse shut up within their walls.

The debate was continued by Mr. PRESTON, who asked for the yeas and nays on the resolution; and it was unanimously adopted.

MONDAY, July 4. Adjournment.

After the consideration of executive business, A Message was received from the President of the United States, by Mr. DONELSON, his secretary, stating that he had signed the several bills (specifying them by their titles) submitted to him on that day.

The motion submitted by Mr. GRUNDY, for the appointment of a joint committee to wait on the President of the United States to inform him that the two Houses of Congress were ready to adjourn, and desiring to know whether he had any further communications to make to them, was taken up and agreed to.

After waiting some time,

Mr. GRUNDY, from the joint committee appointed to wait on the President, reported that they had performed the duty assigned them, and that the President had answered that he had no further communications to make to Congress.

On motion of Mr. BUCHANAN,
The Senate adjourned sine die.

the true question before Congress and the country-
bank or no bank, 281; Congress no power to pass such
a bill, 282; it is said, we must have a bank, 282; the
reason, 282; all trouble grows out of the improper action
of this bank, 288; it is said, the country cannot sustain
the winding up of the affairs of this bank, 283; country
rich and prosperous in an unusual degree, 283; uncer-
tainty as to the object of the measure, 285; the distress,
285; but little importance whether the renewal is for
six years or longer, 286; the currency a delicate subject,
286; laws which govern the circulation, 286; an unfixed,
unstable, and fluctuating currency is to be ranked among
the most fruitful sources of evil, 287; what is the cur-
rency of the United States? 287; of two currencies in
a State, the cheap will expel the dear, 287; tendency of
our banks to terminate their career in suspension of
specie payment, 288; what is the disease which afflicts
our system? 288; the States can do nothing to restore
or arrest the progress of the system, 288; what means
do we possess, and how can they be applied? 288; a
bank the remedy, 289; how is a bank to correct the ex-
cess of the banking system? 289; diversity of opinions,
289.

The Government intended to be a hard money Gov-
ernment, 290; the constitution, 290; action of Congress,
290; expressions of aged and eminent statesmen, 290;
specie abundant for a circulation, 291; the supply, 291;
the French currency, 292; the present moment favor-
able for these measures, 292; Hamilton's plan, 298;
nicety required to adjust the relative value of gold and
silver, 293; the proportion established, 294; if the bank
is defeated, the currency is reformed, 294; false value
put on gold had rendered the mint absurd, 295; gold
goes where it finds its value, 295; rates in England
and France, 295.

In the House, a memorial from the Government di-
rectors presented, 891; referred to the Committee of
Ways and Means, 391; memorial from the bank, 391;
referred, 392.

In the House, a letter from the Secretary of the
Treasury relative to drafts of the bank, 649. See Index,
vols. 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 11.

Bankrupt Act.-See Index, vols. 2, 3, 7.

Banks, Deposit.-In the Senate, a resolution instructing the
Finance Committee to investigate the condition of, con-
sidered, 384; adopted, 384.

In the House, a resolution for the Committee of
Finance to sit during recess to investigate, considered,
884; agreed to, 884.

State Banks, as Depositories.-In the House, a resolu-
tion relative to the deposit banks offered, 491; important
for the House to know the exact condition of these banks,
491; should not be encumbered with extraneous in-
quiries, 492; object of the amendment to make the in-
quiry broad, 492; what was the reply when this infor-
mation was asked of the United States Bank? 493; ex-
tracts from the report, 493; exposé of the bank, 494;
extracts, 494; charges, 494; proof, 494; further debate,
495.

Deposit Regulation Bill.-In the House, the bill con-
sidered, 496; designed to regulate the manner of their
selection, etc., 496; powers of the Executive under the
bill, 496; no power in Congress to create a regulator,
497; memorial of the bank for renewal in 1811, objected
to the State banks, 497; Gallatin's report, 497; State
banks not regarded as incapable of doing the public
business, 498; power of the Secretary, during the exist-
ence of the bank, to employ State banks in certain
cases, 493; State banks are as competent as a National
bank to discharge the duties required, 499; details of the
bill, 499; the power reserved to Congress to remove,

absolute, 499; power of making selections continued in
the Secretary, 499; securities to be taken, 499; manner
and terms on which the banks are to be employed, 500;
bills less than five dollars not to be issued, 500; other
provisions, 501.

Change of views, 501; this bill gives the sanction of
Congress to an illegal act of the Executive, 502; the act
of the President gave him control of the public money,
502; power conferred on the Secretary by the 4th sec-
tion, 508; other provisions of the bill, 508, 504; this is
said to be the only measure of relief the country needs,
504; the selection of banks ought to be made by Con-
gress, 505; it requires no compensation from the State
banks for the use of the public money, 505; no security
against the dangers of foreign influence and capital, 505;
limit the use of transfer checks, 505; no examination
provided for, 505; the selected banks are not required
to receive each other's paper, 506.

The Government should be disconnected from the
banks, 506; all attempts to control State banks contrary
to the Constitution, 506; simplicity of the measure,
507; on withholding the deposits from the United States
Bank, they become subject to the law of '89, and go to
the Treasurer, 516; State banks accountable to him,
516; it is said the Secretary is the fiscal agent of the
Legislature, 517; he is entirely independent of the con-
trol of Congress in this matter, 517; all the noise we
have heard was the clamor of politicians, 517; objects to
be accomplished by the removal of the deposits, 518;
conduct of the bank in refusing to permit an investiga-
tion, 519; further debate, 519; bill passed, 519; a bill to
regulate, 676; effect of the agency of the State banks,
676; passed, 676. See Index, vol. 7.

BANKS, JOHN, Representative from Pennsylvania, 385. See
Index, vol. 11.

BARBER, NOYES, Representative from Connecticut, 885. See
Index, vols. 7, 8, 9, 10, 11.

BARNITZ, CHARLES A., Representative from Pennsylvania,

885.

Barracks at New Orleans.-See Index, vol. 9.
BARRINGER, DANIEL L, Representative from North Caroli-
na, 885; on salary of Minister to England, 683. See In-
dex, vols. 6, 9, 10, 11.

BATES, ISAAC C., Representative from Massachusetts, 885;
on the Compromise bill, 150. See Index, vol. 11.
BATES, JAMES, on the Compromise bill, 180. See Index
vol. 11.

Batture at New Orleans.-See Index, vol. 4; do. at St.
Louis, see Index, vol. 6.

BAYARD, RICHARD, Senator from Delaware, 774.
BAYLIES, WILLIAM, Representative from Massachusetts, 885.
BEALE, JAMES M. H., Representative from Virginia, 385.
BEAN, BENNING M., Representative from New Hampshire,
885.

BEARDSLEY, SAMUEL, Representative from New York, 385;
on the removal of the deposits, 410; on the case of
Hardeman Owens, 431. See Index, vol. 11.
BEATY, MARTIN, Representative from Kentucky, 385.
Beaumarchais, claim of.—See Index, vols. 3, 5, 6 7, 8.
BEAUMONT, ANDREW, Representative from Pennsylvania,
385.

Belgium, Mission to.—See Index, vol. 11.

BELL, JAMES M., Representative from Ohio, 386.
BELL, JOHN, on reduction of duties, 116; on nullification,
169; Representative from Tennessee, 886; chosen
Speaker, 480; address, 480; address on the vote of
thanks, 685. See Index, vols. 9, 10, 11.

BELL, SAMUEL, Senator from New Hampshire, 193; pre-
sents distress memorials, 259. See Index, vols. 7, 8, 9,
10, 11.

BENTON, THOMAS H., on distribution of the proceeds of the