in which case the remnant of the debt will lie over that the experiment' may have a full trial." Now, sir, let the administration and its friends, in the absence of any better occasion for joy, make themselves happy in the glorious triumph which they announce; and let them flap their wings and crow because the importations of the first quarter do not show the diminution which we predicted would occur in the third quarter, and the last. 377 [SENATE. to discuss, and so cordially to detest, any meas- crush the liberties of the nation, and bring its Government into subjection, as it had brought our people into distress and ruin. The history of the bank operations, happily for those who desire to arrive at truth, is contained in official documents. The extent of loans and curtailments, expansion and contraction, may be known by authentic proof. Mr. WEBSTER modified his motion to refer to the Committee on Finance, and moved that the communication be laid on the table and printed; which was agreed to. Foreign Silver Coins. On motion of Mr. WEBSTER, the Senate proceeded to the consideration of the bill from the House to regulate foreign silver coins. I do not mean, Mr. President, to go over the There was some difficulty in meeting such an beaten ground of bank distress or panic-speech argument as the Senate had just heard. In distress. The varied tones of assault upon the one part of it, we are distinctly told there is no bank are now understood. One day the indistress, no pressure, no pecuniary embarrass- solvent institution, which in a little month ment; on the contrary, the country never was should be prostrate at the Executive foot-stool; more prosperous, business never more active the next, the gigantic monster, which, like the or profitable, money never more plenty. These golden calf, was the object of our idolatry, now positions are boastingly made, and stand out useless and insufficient, and capable of nothing prominently in the speech which has cheered but what local banks might effect; and now the this report as the extinguisher of all the fond-fearful engine whose resistless power would est hopes and speculations of the opposition. Well, sir, if this is the issue, we are prepared to meet it; the country is prepared to pass upon it, and we think that melancholy experience will enable every man to give his verdict. But, sir, with an incongruity which is incomprehensible, the loud peals of triumphant exultation have not ceased to vibrate on our ears before, in the speech, we find it distinctly asserted and reiterated in terms of the harshest denunciation and "invective," that the bank has caused the distress-that panic speeches in the Senate, have caused the distress-have produced "wreck of merchants in every city." It is certainly difficult to reconcile two positions apparently so utterly opposed. To believe that the bank or the Senate, or both, have produced a degree of distress which filled our cities with "wrecks," and at the same time to believe that this report and other evidences "utterly contradicted the idea of distress and commercial embarrassment which had been propagated from this chamber for the last six months "-that "never since America had a place among nations was the prosperity of the country equal to what it is at this day "-will require, in my poor opinion, more credulity than is to be found in the most benighted region of this wide-spread Union. Sir, it is folly to tell a man sinking and dying with disease, and conscious of his condition, that all his symptoms indicate health and strength and vigor, and promise long life; and yet such is the experiment now made. The good people of the country, the farmers, the merchants, the manufacturers, mechanics, and laborers, who feel themselves diseased and dying under the fatal malady of Executive rashness and indiscretion, are calmly asked to believe that they were never so prosperous, never so happy, never so independent. They will not be persuaded or cajoled by any report of a Secretary, nor will they be convinced by any studied commentary upon it. Mr. W. said that this was a measure of great importance to the commercial community, and he hoped that there would be no delay in passing on it. He had some amendments, which the Committee on Finance had proposed, and which he would briefly state. The bill, as it came from the House, did not regulate the weight of coins. He had received a communication from the director of the mint, and also one from the committee of the other House, on the subject, and he believed they were right in the opinion that the weight of coins should be established. The first amendment, therefore, proposed, was to make the limitation of the dollar to the weight of 415 grains; the next to establish the weight of the French five-franc pieces at 384 grains. These amendments were agreed to. Mr. W. said he had another amendment to propose, which had been suggested to him by the director of the mint; it was on fixing the fineness of the South American dollar. The Senate would recollect that, by the bill, the dollar was regulated, "when of not less fineness than ten ounces, fifteen pennyweights, and twelve grains, of pure silver, in the troy pound Since I have known any thing of public of twelve ounces of standard silver, at one hunour yeoman-dred and sixteen cents and one-tenth of a cent affairs, never have I known ry so perfectly to understand, so generally per ounce." Now it was proposed to strike SENATE.] Signers to Distress Memorials. [JUNE, 1834. out these 12 grains, which would still leave | rial had come, was the one at Baltimore, and the South American dollar of the value of one that was against the bank. Mr. F. said he hundred cents; but if the twelve grains were would not, however, oppose the printing, retained, it would exclude a great many of though he believed it perfectly unnecessary. the South American coins which were worth The Senate might take the question, and decide the American dollar. He therefore moved to as it pleased. strike out the twelve grains; which was agreed to. The amendments were then ordered to be engrossed, and the bill passed to its third reading. Compensation to Mr. Potter. The resolution submitted by Mr. WRIGHT, to compensate the honorable Elisha R. Potter, for his attendance while claiming a seat in the Senate, under the authority of a certificate of the Governor of Rhode Island, was taken up. Mr. BIBB moved to strike out the words "is entitled to receive his compensation," and to insert in lieu thereof, "ought, under the circumstances, to be paid; " which Mr. WRIGHT accepted as an amendment. Mr. CLAY then moved to refer the resolution to the Judiciary Committee, and the motion was agreed to. THURSDAY, June 19. Signers to Distress Memorials—Additional Enumeration-Consolidated Numbers. The CHAIR communicated an additional report from the Secretary of the Senate, made in compliance with a resolution of the Senate, showing the number of signers to the various memorials presented to the Senate of the United States, on the subject of the national finances, and the expediency of a national bank, for and against the measures of the Executive on these subjects; and, on motion of Mr. CLAY, to print them for the use of the Senate, Mr. FORSYTH asked for the reading of the Secretary's report; and the report having been read, Mr. F. said his object was to ascertain from the Secretary whether any attempt had been made to purge these memorials, to learn how many signatures were to be found on different sides. Memorials and counter-memorials had been sent in, in both of which, in many instances, the same names were to be found. He recollected the many memorials from Philadelphia, coming from classes, separated into merchants, mechanics, professional and business men, and young men also, like the stage-players, where one man represents several different characters. There was another circumstance also to be taken into consideration, and that was, the natural disposition of human nature to complain. Those who were satisfied with the present state of things were not so apt to come before Congress with complaints as those in the opposition, whose object is to magnify imaginary grievances. The largest, meeting, he believed, from which a memo Mr. CLAY said it was somewhat remarkable that the honorable Senator, though he thought the petitions and memorials which had been presented to the Senate were no test of public opinion, and were of very little value, should have taken so much pains to blunt the effect of the hundred and fifty thousand names of individuals who had solicited relief. If it was worth nothing, the honorable Senator had better reserve his speech for a more suitable occasion than the present. What! was the. right of petition worth nothing? Was it of no consequence to honorable Senators that thousands of their fellow-citizens should send to them petitions and memorials, complaining of an act of Executive authority? Why, the honorable member had said, that there were a great many of his friends who would have come here, but they were apprehensive lest they should find unwilling ears. Now who could believe it? Why, then, did they not go to the House? What sort of ears would they find there? Honorable Senators knew, that, in point of fact, memorials had generally been in duplicate, and the same number had been sent here as to the other House. Why not go there? the honorable member had said there were many instances in which the names of those whose petitions had been presented here did not appear. So there were, and he (Mr. C.) wished that all of them could be obtained. proof of what the honorable Senator had said, he alluded to the Philadelphia meeting, which was attended by 15,000, and the Baltimore meeting, consisting of 6,000. Now, he (Mr. C.) believed that there was a much less number at Baltimore, and a greater at Philadelphia. That, said Mr. C., would make our number 165,000, and the honorable Senator's 23,000. But In With regard to the figurante of this drama, they are confined to the gentleman's own theatre. In one of the memorials from New York were to be found the names of John Doe and Richard Roe, and also the worthy_name of yourself, sir, (meaning the Vice President,) who could not possibly be suspected of signing such a memorial, and certainly a great many others that were improperly affixed to petitions. Purge the memorials! The Senator might as well try to purge the General Post Office. It could not be done: he (Mr. C.) wished it could. Why, if the memorials were purged, the honorable gentleman's 17,000 names would be melted down to 6,000. He (Mr. C.) was glad to see that, worthless as the names were alleged to be by the honorable Senator, he was willing to allow them to be printed. Mr. C. begged to tender him his most profound acknowledgments, and trusted that the names would be printed. After the order for printing should have been JUNE, 1834.] General Appropriation Bill-Purchase of Books for Members. [SENATE. taken, he would then move that another thou- | had compelled the contractors to conform their sand should be printed. The printing of the report was ordered, and an extra thousand copies. SATURDAY, June 21. General Appropriation Bill-Book Purchases for Members of Congress-Documentary History of the United States. On motion of Mr. WEBSTER, the general appropriation bill was taken up, with a view of acting upon the amendments. estimates to the standard of a similar work on another subject. The contract only gives to the contractors the price of printing and the clerkhire. It was denied by the contractors that they had ever contemplated an extension of the work to the amount, as had been charged, of more than a million of dollars. Under the limitation imposed by the Committee on Finance, it is believed that the work can be scarcely completed, and it will be indispensable to exclude all unnecessary material, and superfluous expenditure. Only such documents as are indispensable to a collection of materials for the future historian of this country, can now be included. Mr. FORSYTH moved to amend the bill, by striking out the appropriation for the Documentary History of the United States, to be published by Peter Force and Matthew St. Clair Clarke, under a contract with the Department of State, made in pursuance of the act of Congress of March, 1833, and to insert in lieu thereof, an appropriation of $15,000, to remunerate Clarke and Force for all ex-bers, than to buy bonnets for ladies. He referpenses incurred by them hitherto, under said contract. Mr. F. said he had been induced to submit this amendment, under a sense of justice both to the contractors and to the United States. He believed, with the Committee on Finance, | who had examined into this subject, that the Secretary of State had far exceeded his authority in entering into this contract, and had not only mistaken the law, but had not the slightest idea of the expense to be incurred under it. There was, in fact, no knowing to what extent the contract, as originally made, might be extended. It might run from one up to two millions of dollars. It was true the contractors had entered into supplementary stipulations with the committee, which would bring down the expense to somewhere about 400,000 dollars. There was no member of Congress, he believed, who ever contemplated any thing like such an expense at the time the law was passed. Fifteen thousand dollars, it was believed, would be sufficient to indemnify the contractors for any expenses they had hitherto incurred; but, if it should be found at the next session of Congress that they had incurred a further damage, it would no doubt be awarded to them. It was proposed to have the subject further examined into during the recess, and either to rescind the contract, giving such additional compensation as might be deemed just and proper, or to carry it on with suitable restrictions. Mr. CHAMBERS said the subject of the contract did not seem to be well understood in the Senate; and this misconception was likely to lead them to refuse to do an act of plain and simple justice. He then gave a history of the application for this contract; and stated that the usefulness, the importance, indeed the necessity, of this work, had been established by sufficient evidence. The Secretary of State had been empowered, by a law of Congress, to superintend the work; and, in fulfilment of his trust, he Mr. KING, of Georgia, said he should vote to strike out the clause from the bill, and should then vote against the amendment of his colleague. He thought there was no more authority in Congress to set up a book shop, than to set up a milliner's shop, to buy books for mem red to the constitutional powers of Congress, and declared that from none of them was this authority derived. He expressed his belief that the work, if authorized, would cost the Government three or four millions of dollars. He disclaimed any intention to throw censure on the contractors, but was of opinion that the contract was erroneously and unconstitutionally entered into, and that the Secretary of State had been taken in. Mr. HILL said: Viewing, as I do, the practice of supplying members of Congress with books at the public expense to be an enormous abuse, I have, ever since I had a seat in this body, and whenever I could get an opportunity of recording my aye or no, voted against every proposition for furnishing them. My first attempt to obtain a vote in this body against this practice, at the session two years ago, was scouted as "miserable parsimony," by one Senator near me, (Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN.) I then opposed the purchase of a book, published for the benefit of the Bank of the United States, containing what purported to be a legislative history of the rise and progress of that institution, in which many of the most important speeches and proceedings are entirely omitted. The bank book, it is believed, was published at the instance of the bank itself, which liberally paid for its share of the edition. But the new members of the present Congress, as well as of the last, have all been furnished with the same book; and I presume, so long as any books shall remain in the hands of the publishers, all future new members will be hereafter furnished. That book, made up of extracts from newspapers, may be really worth, as other similar books are sold, from one to two dollars. The price paid for every book taken by Congress is five dollars. It is now said that the Documentary History of Matthew St. Clair Clarke and Peter Force, provided for by an act of Congress, and for which the bill under consideration appropriates SENATE.] General Appropriation Bill-Purchase of Books for Members. [JUNE, 1834 thirty-five thousand dollars, will cost a vast | the contract with the Secretary of State. Why sum of money-half a million of dollars is the did Congress legislate in the dark on this sublowest calculation, and some say that it may ject? Why did they pass a law requiring the cost a million and a half. An attempt is made Secretary of State to contract for an unlimited to make the late Secretary of State (Mr. Liv- | amount of printing, at double the price which ingston) responsible for the rate and enormity the same printing could be done for in any of this contract. Rather should the blame go other city of the Union? This price was not to the Congress which passed the law than to fixed by Mr. Livingston. A Secretary of State Mr. Livingston. I well remember when that (Mr. CLAY) under the last administration, made law passed this body. the first contract for publishing Diplomatic Correspondence, having found a resolution of Congress, which passed several years before, authorizing, or supposed to authorize it; and the contractor (Mr. Jared Sparks) for the publication of a few volumes, sold his privilege to a second person for the trifling profit of ten thousand dollars! The price of that first contract is made by law the basis of the contract for the Documentary History. Mr. Livingston made the contract as the law required him; he could not limit the number of volumes, because the law did not limit it. There were two propositions considered at the same time, both of them, I believe, reported on, and sanctioned by the Library Committee, for extensive jobs of printing. One was, on the proposal of Duff Green to publish a stereotype edition of the Laws and Treaties of the United States, at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per volume; and the other, Clarke and Force's proposal to print and furnish the Documentary History of the Revolution. Both propositions were hastily urged through the Senate. Duff Green's job of stereotyping the Laws (which was arrested in the House of Representatives) would have cost the Treasury from one to two hundred thousand dollars; other printers had proposed to perform the work at less than one-half of his price. The mention of this fact appeared to have no effect on the vote of the Senate. I asked for the question to be taken by the yeas and nays-it was so taken, and you will find but seven Senators (Benton, Black, Dickerson, Foot, Hill, Robinson, and Wilkins) voting to sustain me-twenty-five voting against my motion to lay the bill on the table. Immediately after this, the bill making provision for the publication of the Documentary History of the Revolution was taken up. Mr. Foot, of Connecticut, was in the chair. I asked for the yeas and nays on the question, Shall it be engrossed and read a third time? Without waiting to call the attention of Senators to the question, the chairman declared the proposition for the yeas and nays was not sustained; and both bills were considered in Committee of the Whole, reported, and passed on by the Senate, in less time than I have been speaking about it. Ever since that time I have deemed it a work of supererogation in me to oppose any proposition for printing or furnishing books for the benefit of printers in this District and have contented myself with giving a silent vote against them whenever I could obtain an opportunity. Mr. Livingston ought not to be blamed for the contract made with Clarke and Force. The fault is in the law, not in the contract. How could Mr. Livingston limit the number of volumes, when the law was without limit? he was taken advantage of by the contractors-he could not be supposed to know that an increase of the number of copies, or the increase of the size of the volumes, would make an enormous increase of the price. Clarke and Force knew well enough how they were cheating the public, as well when they smuggled the bill through the two Houses of Congress, as when they made It is now understood that the contractors are willing to limit themselves. The price of publishing a single volume of fifteen hundred copies, is calculated at 22,900 dollars, and other expenses will make it 25,000 dollars. The contractors will limit themselves to twenty folio volumes as the minimum; and these twenty folio volumes are to cost 500,000 dollars! what value, think you, Mr. President, will be a Documentary History of the Revolution of twenty folio volumes? It would be as ninetynine grains of wheat in one hundred bushels of chaff. Of The extra printing-by extra printing, I mean not any portion of that printing daily ordered by the Senate, consisting of distress petitions, with the names; other petitions and memorials, reports on the Post Office, &c., constituting what is annually published in several volumes, as the Journal and Documents-the extra printing of books merely for the purpose of furnishing members of Congress, voted by the Senate at the last session alone, would amount, if all the propositions had succeeded, to a greater sum of money than the whole expense of a single year of Mr. Jefferson's administration. Besides the enormous job of Clarke and Force, and the vote on the proposition to stereotype the Laws, there was another job voted to Duff Green for printing the Land Laws, which is introduced in the present appropriation bill, amounting to forty-two thousand nine hundred and sixty dollars; and a resolution passed for the benefit of Gales and Seaton, allowing them further to extend their compilation of Congressional Documents eight volumes folio. If these eight folio volumes cost as much as those contracted for by Clarke and Force—and as yet I have, after diligent inquiry, been unable to ascertain what Gales and Seaton are paid for this work—that additional job to them will amount to two hundred thousand dollars. It is true the contract with them is only for seven hundred and fifty copies instead of fifteen hundred; but I understand JUNE, 1834.] General Appropriation Bill-Purchase of Books for Members. 381 [SENATE. they publish an additional seven hundred and | people, on the subject of the proceedings of fifty copies, to supply members of Congress Congress. The contract was under the law, hereafter. Already has the supply for Congress passed by both Houses, and approved by the run out; and at this session a resolution has passed, authorizing the Secretary to purchase more for the supply of the new members of the Senate. present Chief Magistrate, General Andrew Jackson. He regarded the terms of the law as loose and extraordinary. The contractors had now to sanction any violation of the faith of the acquired vested rights, and he was not disposed Government, because Congress was not amenable to any human tribunal. It was proper that there should be a strict examination of the contract, and it should be rendered specific as to the character of the matter, and the extent of the work. However high his opinion of individuals, he would not give a roving commission to any one to select materials, which would take their tone from his prejudices or party liaisons. I may safely say that the books furnished to members of Congress (and each new member at the present session has already been supplied, to the number of about seventy volumes) cost twice, and in some instances four times the price of books of equal size and superior value, that are to be obtained in the most of our cities and towns. Gladly would I return every book I have received and pay for their transport back to the seat of Government, if the money could be returned to the Treasury, which has been abstracted to procure them. These books are had made one contract, and the Committee on Mr. CLAY said that the Secretary of State held up to new members as an appeal to their Finance had made another. The first was an cupidity. It is said at once that all the old improvident one, but it was in the authority of members have received them, and that the new the Secretary. He should have corrected the members ought to claim them of course. so soon as you receive a copy of the common tion imposed by Congress, was as to the indiAnd improvidence of Congress. The only restricplunder, so soon, in the estimation of some viduals to be contracted with, and that in the gentlemen, are you precluded from voting proviso that the price should not exceed that against others or yourself receiving more of of the Diplomatic Correspondence. It had not that plunder. I found a portion of these books been shown to have exceeded this stipulation. tied up in bundles and left at my rooms, before Congress ought to take their full share of blame, I took my oath or seat in this hall, at the first and not leave the whole on the Secretary. session of the last Congress. If I had been a If the first contract was loose, the second was non-committal before, in relation to the pur- full of limitations. chase of books, the intention was, that I would not exceed twenty volumes, an expense of 300,The contract now cannot set out in my Senatorial career a non-com-000 dollars, and a further provision that Conmittal; and the language to me was, immedi-gress may appoint an agent to supervise the pubately, "Having partaken of the plunder, you have no right to complain of the robbery." Mr. CHAMBERS replied to the remarks of Mr. KING. He considered the time as gone by, when the constitutionality of such acts was denied. He adverted again to the value of the work, the labor which had already been bestowed upon it, the researches which had been carried on, the intelligence of those who conducted them, and the interest which the work was calculated to produce in the public mind. The price for which this work was to be furnished, was not at all adequate to the importance and labor of the work. The ex lication. He asked, on what pretence the SenWhen the contractors agreed to the limitations ate could depart from their second contract. of the committee, they fully expected to meet with no further difficulty; and it would not be doing justice to the contractors to violate this last contract, as well as the former. penditure would be 25,000 dollars a year, for perhaps six, eight, or ten years, and the work would be a very important one. The contract was an improvident one, and he had at first thought it would be well to get rid of it by paying 40,000 or 50,000 dollars. But as the conMr. MANGUM moved to strike out, in the was due to them to fulfil the second contract. tractors had liberally agreed to limitations, it amendment to the amendment, the words "to If it should be hereafter said that useless docuremunerate," and to insert the words "to settlements were introduced, Congress could then with," and to strike out $15,000 and insert $20, 000. Mr. FORSYTH accepted the amendment. He then explained that he did not mean to destroy the contract, but to leave that to be decided on when Congress should have more leisure. Mr. PRESTON believed that the progress of the work did not at present justify a larger expenditure than that proposed by the amendment of the gentleman from Georgia, as now modified. He viewed the question as surrounded by great difficulties. He had doubts as to the constitutionality of authorizing the publication of works which did not inform Congress, or the arrest the appropriation. this case, and that improvident expenditures of hope that a useful lesson would be drawn from He expressed his this kind would hereafter be avoided. Mr. FOYSYTH modified his amendment, by in- prevent the printing of the work. of the contractors. Mr. LEIGH took the ground that Congress had |