Griffith Jones's (Willistown Township, Delaware Co.), as promised by the Proprietary before his departure in 1701, the said 500 acres to revert to the Proprietary upon said Indians leaving it. Before 1737, the tribe removed to the Swatara Creek.

On the south hook of South River Bay (land about Lewes) in 1630, there were Indians represented by Quesquaekous, Eesanques, and Siconesius, if, indeed, these were not tribal names. The three designated by those names acknowledged a sale having taken place in the preceding year to Samuel Godyn of land on the south side of the Bay from Cape Henlopen to the mouth of the South River. In 1677, the Emperor of the Nanticokes excused himself from delivering Krawacon, who had been called a Gassoway Indian, to the Governor of Maryland, by stating that Krawacon belonged to the King of Checonnesseck, a town on Whorekill.

The Narratives of Early Pennsylvania, West Jersey, and Delaware, edited by Albert Cook Myers, give us contemporary mention from 1633 to 1638 of not only the Minquas, to be spoken of in another part of this chapter, but also the Sankitans, and the Indians from Red Hook, or Mantes, and the Armewamen, or Armewanninge, evidently the same as the Ermewarmoki, of which Armewamen Zee Pentor was a sachem in 1634, we being left to infer that the Minquas had caused the others to retire to the eastern side of the River and Bay; while Nicholas J. Visscher's map of New Netherland &ct. indicates about 1655 the spreading of these others far into what is now New Jersey.

Amandus Johnson, in his Swedish Settlements on the Delaware 1638-1644, tells us, from contemporary writings, that on March 29, 1638, certain peace sachems, acting for the Lenni Lenape entitled, sold to the Swedish Florida Company the land from Duck Creek to the Schuylkill. In 1640, Indians, undoubtedly Lenni Lenape, sold the west bank of the Delaware from the

Schuylkill to the Falls, opposite the present Trenton. The Mantas, whom Johnson suggests to have been the Minquas, but who are called in the Maryland records Mathwas or Mattawass and "Delaware Indians," soon afterwards claimed from Wychquahoyagh, or Wicacoa (afterwards Weccacoe, about Washington Avenue, Philadelphia), to the aforesaid Falls, and two of their chiefs Siscohaka and Mechekyralames, conveyed it. The sachems at Passyunk were mentioned some years before 1654, when that locality was stated to be the principal abode of those Lenape with whom the Swedes had to deal. It was from "Pesienk" that Kekerappan, hereafter mentioned, and others dated on Oct. 8, 1681, their request for the resumption of the sale of liquor in Pennsylvania.

The Maryland records tell us that Pinna, "King of Picthanomicta in Delaware Bay," on behalf of "the Passayonke Indians, now under his command," made peace with Maryland in 1661. In 1669, a league between that Province and the Mathwas nation was expected to be renewed by Capt. Carr, then at the New Castle colony, or, as it was called, "Delaware," and said treaty was to embrace with the Maryland Province its Indian confederates on the eastern shore near Choptank. The records further say that in 1677 the Mattawas "or Delaware Indians"-probably only a certain tribe of the Lenni Lenape-were embraced in a treaty of peace made by the representatives of Maryland with the Five Nations.

It was from the Unami Delawares that the English bought whatever Pennsylvania land south of the Water Gap and east of the watershed they acquired from Indians. Mamarikickan, Aurichton, Sackoquewan, and Nanneckos by deed of Sep. 23, 1675, conveyed to Edmund Andros to the use of the Duke of York in fee the land on the west side of the Delaware River from a creek next to Cold Spring, somewhat above Matinicum

Island, about eight or nine miles below the Falls, to a point equally far above the Falls, or to some remarkable point as a landmark, and all islands in front except the one commonly called Peter Alricks's Island.

By bargain arranged with Markham, a number of Indians, including two of the aforesaid four, under date of July 15, 1682, and Aug. 1, 1682, conveyed to Penn and his heirs and assigns forever the eastern end of the present Bucks County, or, as William W. H. Davis in his History of Bucks County, says, "all of the townships of Bristol, Falls, Middletown, Lower and the greater part of Upper Makefield, Newtown, and a small portion of Wrightstown, the line running about half a mile from its southern boundary." Part of this was inIcluded in the deed to Andros for the Duke of York, which outstanding title was assigned to Penn by the confirmation which the Duke made of King Charles's charter. In this Indian deed of July 15, 1682, were included islands in the Delaware. The consideration was not merely beads, paint, tobacco, and liquor, with some money, but also guns, axes, kettles, glasses, hoes, awls, saws, knives, scissors, needles, &ct., powder and shot, blankets and clothing-enough to make it worth the savages' while to alter the range of their roaming, enough to be a foretaste of the newcomers' fairness.

We learn from James Logan's speech to Sassoonan on Aug. 13, 1731, that, when Penn first arrived in the country, he promptly called together the chief men among the Indians, and explained his coming with a number of persons by leave of the King of England to settle among them, and that all should be brothers: a league of friendship was made, and the Indians offered their land for the settlers, but Penn insisted upon buying it. Sassoonan said that he was a little lad when Penn came, but remembered that Penn went up to Perkasie, and met the Indians, and proposed buying, and Menanget, Hetkoquean, and Tammany were pres

ent, and offered to give the land to him. Thus we find taking place at Perkasie (in Bucks Co.) the first of the conferences for making Penn's celebrated treaty with the Indians; a treaty primarily for the transfer of land, but often referred to by red men, and very famous in history, for the promises then exchanged, and in Penn's lifetime unbroken, of everlasting friendship between the races. The older members of the tribe seem to have perceived the advantage of white men with their goods and utensils being introduced into the neighbourhood: but we can conclude that time was allowed to consult those not present. Instead of the treaty being completed, as has been supposed, in 1682, no deeds from the Indians to Penn appear to have been made until June 23. A second, if it was not a third, conference was held in May, 1683. The date is fixed from the following evidence. The Provincial Council on May 24, 1683, adjourned to June 6. In connection with the boundary dispute and the interviews mentioned in Chapter II between the two Proprietaries, Penn speaks in his letter of Aug. 14, 1683, to the Lords of the Committee for Trade &ct. as having been disappointed about meeting Lord Baltimore until May, when Baltimore sent messengers to give Penn notice to meet him at the head of the Chesapeake: "but then," that is too late to reach the Chesapeake on the day fixed, Penn was, he says, "in treaty with the kings of the Indian nations for land:" however, three days later, he came across Lord Baltimore ten miles from New Castle, and took him back to that town, and entertained him, and on the following day they discussed business a little, and separated. These discussions with Lord Baltimore, including that on the day when Penn met him, took place on May 29 and 30 (Considerations on Penn's Answer to Talbot's demand, in Maryland Archives); hence the session with the Indians must have ended a day or so before May 28, 1683, if not on that very day. On the

20th of June, the Provincial Council adjourned until the 26th. On the 23rd, eleven Indians signed or witnessed deeds, apparently in pursuance of the treaty in question, the deeds perhaps having taken some time to prepare. The proceedings of the final session, which must have taken place on June 23 or within two days before, are described in Penn's letter of August 16 to the Society of Traders. He says that the Indian King asked that the Indians be excused for not complying with Penn "the last time," as it was the Indian custom to deliberate and take up much time in council, but if the young people and owners had been as ready as himself, there would not have been so much delay. The bounds and the price were then spoken of, the price being ten times what it would have been previously. When the purchase was agreed upon, Penn says, "great promises past between us of kindness and good neighbourhood, and that the Indians and English must live in love as long as the sun gave light." Two of the Indians present on June 23 lingered until the 25th, and were among the five witnesses when another Indian signed a deed. The deeds of July 14 indicate that those at the treaty who had bargained for a specific quantity of articles, sent four sachemakers to receive them, and make deeds on that day.

As to the place of one or both sessions of the conferences, it is not known how late the locality known to the Dutch and English by the Delaware name Shackamaxung or Shackamaxon, meaning "place of the Shackamakers," continued to be a meeting-ground; but it is in that part of the present City of Philadelphia that tradition has located the making of the treaty. John F. Watson, in his Annals of Philadelphia, after other evidence, quotes Judge Peters to the effect that Benjamin Lay, who came to Philadelphia in 1731, and could have heard from those who had spoken with eyewitnesses, used to visit a certain large elm tree, in the