had written to Logan not to let him be in any public house after the allowed hours. The severe beating may have been confused with that given to Governor Evans after young Penn had left the colony. Isaac Norris wrote that William Penn Jr. was "in company with some extravagants that beat the watch at Enoch Story's." Logan goes on to say: "This with all the persons concerned in it, was taken notice of at the next Mayor's court that sat"-i.e. on Sep. 3, Morris being Mayor, and Lloyd being Recorder, and probably gloating over the opportunity to hurt the elder Penn. The grand jury made a virtue of being no respecter of persons; but Logan says that the indignity of a presentment put upon the eldest son of the founder of the Corporation, although no further action was taken, was looked upon as base by most people of moderation, and, in fact, caused some obstreperousness-he says "disorders"-at night, which he acquits William Jr. of instigating. Certainly the act of the Corporation was resented by the heir apparent himself, and afterwards by the Proprietary. Story was proceeded against for entertaining at the house certain servants of William Bevan, whereupon Story's counsel claimed that, under the Queen's order, a certain non-Quaker witness for the prosecution should be sworn. None of the Court being conscientiously able to administer an oath, the witness was allowed to be attested, and Story was convicted. He appealed to the Governor and Council on 7ber 15, and, following the Queen's order, a proclamation was issued setting aside the proceedings, and forbidding all officers from executing any writ founded thereon. William Penn Jr. attended that meeting of the Council, but none later. To show his contempt for the strict Quakers, he drank toasts, and appeared in fashionable clothes when Lady Cornbury made a visit from Burlington to Philadelphia,—this is the way we must translate Logan's statement that William Jr. "indulged

himself in the same freedom that others take,"--but he still declared his adherence to Quaker doctrine. He entertained Lord and Lady Cornbury at Pennsbury, and came back to Philadelphia to assist in receiving Governor Seymour of Maryland, and then, having sold Williamstadt manor on the Schuylkill (now Norristown and Norriton township), left America, fated never to return.

Lloyd, consulting Willcox and Jones, wrote, as we are told (Penn and Logan Correspondence, Vol. I, p. 331) a "most virulent unmannerly invective" as the Representation, or Remonstrance, to the Proprietary, but, indeed, to make an invective, there was required very little change in the words of the heads agreed upon by the Assembly. These heads were viz: 1st, that the Proprietary's artifices brought all privileges and charters to be defeasible at his will and pleasure; 2nd, that all dissolutions and prorogations and calling Assemblies by writs, as authorized by commissions to the present Deputy and orders to former Deputies and Commissioners, were contrary to the charters granted; 3rd, that the Proprietary had had great sums of money for negotiating the confirmation of laws and good terms for the people, and easing as to oaths, but none of the laws were confirmed, and, by the Queen's order requiring oaths to be administered, the Quakers were disabled to sit in Courts; 4th, that there had been no Surveyor-General since Pennington's death, but great extortions by surveyors and the other officers concerned in property by the Proprietary's refusal to pass the law regulating fees; 5th, that there was likely to be no remedy except where particularly granted by the Proprietary, because the present deputy called it a hardship on him, and the Council urged it as absurd and unreasonable, to expect any enlargement or explanation of what the Proprietary granted; 6th, that there was no remedy against wrong or oppression by the

Proprietary, because his Clerk of the Court refused to make out any process, and, by the Justices appointed by the Proprietary, the latter was practically judge of his own case; 7th, that, Sheriffs and other officers commissioned by him being persons of no estates, and their security being given to him, the abused or de frauded persons could reap no benefit; 8th, that the Commissioners of Property neglected and delayed making satisfaction where people had not the full quantity of land; and, 9th, that the Proprietary should not surrender the government, as he had intimated, and should understand how vice was growing of late. Lloyd did not show the Remonstrance to Norris, the other member of the committee of three, but showed it to Richardson, who disapproved of it. Lloyd (Penn and Logan Correspondence, Vol. II, p. 408) afterwards said that all but three of the seven members of the committee on minutes approved, and that five Assemblymen examined the fair transcript before it was sent. Lloyd actually signed it when his term as Speaker had been ended by the new election for Assemblymen. He enclosed a copy in a letter, dated 8ber 3, to three prominent Quakers in England, George Whitehead, William Mead, and Thomas Lower, of whom Mead and Lower were known to be unfriendly to Penn, requesting them by "such Christian methods" as they should see fit to oblige William Penn to do the People justice. There was mentioned as also enclosed a copy of the bill which the Assembly wished to pass in relation to oaths, and the persons addressed were desired to solicit the Queen in favor of it. The letter said "I suppose you will have a more ample account by others of the condition this poor province is brought to by the late revels and disorders which young William Penn and his gang of loose fellows he accompanies with are found in, to the great grief of Friends and others in this place." The letter closed with the request for an endeavor to get

an able lawyer of sobriety and moderation, but not in Penn's interest, to be commissioned Chief Justice of the Province and Lower Counties and also the Jerseys; a position which could be worth 400 or 500l. per annum besides fees and perquisites. The letter spoke of Mompesson as thought of formerly, but unable to stay, besides "too much in William Penn's interest, and given to drink." This letter with its enclosures was sent on a vessel which was captured by the French, and all were examined, and thrown upon the deck. A fellow passenger other than the one intrusted with them, gathered them up, and, with permission of the French officer, eventually had them put into the hands of Penn, without going to the three Quakers.

The election in October, 1704, resulted in little change in the Assembly, in fact in the loss of two or three who might have restrained the majority. At the same time, in Philadelphia County, John Budd Jr. and Benjamin Wright were chosen to be presented to the Governor for him to select one as Sheriff, that office being held by John Finney, appointed in August, 1703, on the resignation of Thomas Farmer. The Frame of Government having prescribed for the presentation every three years, Evans claimed that this could not be made until 1705, and, accordingly, he allowed John Finney to continue in office. Evans raised an inquiry as to how the Assemblymen were being qualified, but the Council satisfied him that the promise of fidelity prescribed by the law of 1700 was sufficient. He then received and addressed the Assembly without providing a chair for the Speaker, and so, although he himself was standing, gave affront to at least Lloyd, who had been re-elected Speaker. The House presented their former bills for confirmation of the Charter, and confirming property, and one, probably the same as copied for Whitehead, to authorize affirmations. The Assemblymen voted, on 8mo. 27, to add to the Remonstrance the

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aggrievance of persons by reason of quit rents on the lots in the City, especially the bank lots, and to state the Proprietary's promise of a gift of the site of the great town. No agreement on any bill was reached with the Lieutenant-Governor. He had asked for money to maintain the government by his living in becoming style, and by the exigencies of state being "prevented or timely answered;" but the Assemblymen determined not to give anything until their privileges were confirmed. Penn had endorsed his Lieutenant's stand on the bills in debate during the Summer, and one of Evans's messages said that it was strange that reasonable men could propose such an injury to the Proprietary as the bill of property, without offering an equivalent, such as a settled revenue for the support of government, and the defraying of public charges. The Assembly then offered for that purpose 1200l. and an impost on wine, cider, &ct., on condition of confirmation of what the members thought agreeable to the Proprietary's engagement with his People. This was not accepted.

Various other matters had increased the estrangement. A "great fray," too late to be made use of by Lloyd in his letter, took place in the city on the night of November 1, 1704. Jenkins, in his Family of William Penn, has shown that this has been confused with the affair in which William Penn Jr. figured, the last named being on the seas at this time. In the catalogue of particulars prepared to accompany the Assembly's letter of 4mo. 10, 1707, is mentioned the LieutenantGovernor's beating "Solomon Cresson, Constable of this City, when he was doing the Duty of his Office upon the Watch about two years ago," and sending him "to Prison, where he was kept till the Afternoon of the Day following, for no other Cause that we can find, but bidding a lewd Tavern-keeper disperse her Company, where the Governor happened to be about One