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ity. Penn appears to have brought home to England no ready money but what was soon called for, nor did he find any considerable balance awaiting him there. Much lobbying against the bill to abolish proprietary government had been done by William Jr. It was an age of fees instead of salaries, and consequently of perquisites, extortion, and corruption. The elder Penn rather complained that the young agent, in his zeal, had promised too much. Apart from anything like bribery of statesmen, the mere attendance upon them involved outlay. The cost of the Proprietary's sojourn in London after return from America, and other expenses to fight the aforesaid bill, to promote the allowance of the laws, and to attend to other affairs of the colony, were said by him to have been over £3000 by July, 1704. Besides there was the money to be paid to make up the income of Lætitia's dowry, and to supplement for William Jr.'s wants the estate of Worminghurst, which, moreover, being absorbed by William Jr., had ceased to be profitable to the family at large. William Jr. was living at his father's expense during the stay in Pennsylvania. The Proprietary was chagrined when he found that he was to maintain two houses, that at Pennsbury, and the Clark house, which the heir-apparent, instead of boarding when not at Pennsbury, hired for a city residence for himself and the Secretary. Little money was coming from Pennsylvania, where the cost of administration took so much of the ordinary receipts. The tax imposed for the Proprietary's benefit was withheld by many; the impost in its second year became inconsiderable, because the previous drought in Barbados lessened the amount of rum coming thence to Pennsylvania to one third as much as had been coming; the subscriptions to the Susquehanna venture to a great extent failed to be paid, and what payments were made were in wheat and flour; partly because of the war, sales of land were pretty

much at an end; and quit rents were usually in arrears. When there was any balance to be put into William Penn's hands, such was the scarcity in the colony of cash, and of bills of exchange on England, that, practically, the only way of forwarding the amount was to invest in a cargo, and ship the same at the risk of bad market, storm, and capture. A number of vessels trading from Pennsylvania were taken.

Penn's principal source of revenue had once been his estate in Ireland. He wrote, 12, 24, 1702, that that country had "hardly any money: England severe to her, no trade but hither and at England's mercy for prices, saving butter and meat to Flanders and the West Indies, that we must go and eat out half our rents, or we cannot enjoy them;" and he mentioned that the exchange from Ireland to England was twenty-six per

cent.

In these difficulties, as he found that his Governorship was not likely to be taken forcibly from him by Parliament, he thought of making a sale of it to the Crown. While waiting an opportunity for this, or as an alternative, he devised an arrangement for his return to Pennsylvania, asking, in a letter of 2mo. 1, 1703, for "the town"-probably the well-to-do citizens of Philadelphia-to build for him on one of his City lots or his liberty land "a pretty box like Ed. Shippen's," or to purchase Griffith Owen's, Thomas Fairman's, Daniel Pegg's, or any such house, Pennsbury house being too small to hold the entire family including William Penn Jr's; and, in addition to this present, costing, Penn supposed, 500l. to 600l., he wished an allowance, perhaps by tax, of 500l. a year. There was no response to this.

Penn wrote on May 11, 1703, to the Board of Trade, that, seeing the bent extremely strong to bring all proprietary governments directly under the Crown, he was willing, if there could be a just regard for his and

his people's security in their civil rights according to the laws and constitution of the country, to resign the government, saving some few privileges, upon a reasonable pecuniary satisfaction to him. The Commissioners wishing to know his terms, he sent word in the following month: the Lower Counties-he meant the soil therof-were to be duly patented to him, all rights as lord of the soil of the Province to remain, he and his heirs to have the right to present at each vacancy two names, from which the Crown should choose the Governor, also £30,000 to be paid to Penn with a royalty -presumably perpetual-of d. per pound of tobacco and per l. of what sums the people paid the Governor! This was, of course, "an asking price." Yet it must be remembered that in 1700 he declared that the colony had then cost him in the clear £24,000, and, a year after this offer, he wrote to Logan that Pennsylvania had cost him above £30,000 more than he had gotten out of it. Penn desired also that he and his heirs should have some honorary distinction, in recognition of his being the Founder, such as first Councillor or Chief Justice: but upon this he did not insist, being ready to content himself with the rights of landlord. Neither did he long hold out for the £30,000, but on or before Feb. 9, 1703-4, wrote to the Lord High Treasurer that he was willing to accept £20,000 for the Governorship.

Harassed by the fault finding of Quary and Moore, Penn offered to the Commissioners for Trade, about the time Evans was arriving in Pennsylvania, either to sell out, or to have the "turbulent Churchmen" bought out, probably meaning to pay Quary, Moore, and others to move away. Some of the Commisioners, perhaps because of the Queen's kind feeling for Penn, expressed a wish that the latter alternative could take place; whereupon Penn desired them to promote it, and assured them that he could find four persons able and willing to provide for it. Who were the three besides

Shippen, or the two besides Shippen and himself? The aforesaid solution of trouble was not effected. While Lowther had been made Attorney-General of the Province, Moore had, on Bewley's death, obtained from Quary, Surveyor-General of the Customs, the good post of Collector of the Port of Philadelphia, and kept it during the rest of his life. At times hesitating, and at times asking the advice of Logan and others, and generally encouraged by Logan on condition that Quaker rights could be protected, Penn kept alive the project of turning into cash the political authority which had cost him so much.

Not only were Penn's friends who were intrusted with his authority in the Province and Territories particularly bound, in taking care of his interests, so to act as to avoid giving to Parliament any provocation to confiscate his viceroyalty; but, imbued with devotion to him, and seeing his necessities, they undertook, in opposition to the scheme of representative government, the policy of nursing and strengthening every limb of his prerogative, so that the selling value of this piece of property-the powers, revenues, and patronage being recognized as property-should be great when he treated with the Crown.

CHAPTER XIV.

THE ANTI-PROPRIETARY PARTY.

Feelings of various elements of the population -The City magistrates-The Assembly contends with Evans-A Remonstrance ordered to be sent to the Proprietary-The Militia-William Penn Jr. in a row with the City watchmen-Is indicted in Mayor's Court, and leaves the colony-Lloyd writes the Remonstrance and a letter to eminent English Quakers The Assembly of 1704-A "great fray," in which Evans receives a beatingThe Assemblymen's attitude as to Lloyd's Remonstrance-Biles's disrespectful words about Evans-The Ganawese and Shawnees-Some of the former move to Tulpehocken-The Fords bring suit in Chancery, and claim possession of Pennsylvania and Territories-Proprietary's friends carry election of 1705-Legislation-Religious qualification for officers and religious affirmation adopted-Law as to intercourse with Indians-Revenue Act-Change as to Sheriff and Coroner-Assemblymen to be chosen by plurality vote-Unpleasant circumstances of the old Quaker families.

Preceding chapters have mentioned Swedish suspicion, David Lloyd's resentment, Keithian opposition, Custom House officers' interests, and Anglican rivalry, as well as some purchasers' real or supposed, greater or less, suffering in property, such as prompted the struggle with Penn at the close of his second visit. It has also been shown that the Quaker settlers of the general type were democratic, querulous, and self-important, and, with a certain amount of gratitude to

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