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members. His stand against Whitefield was portrayed as a merit by Lieut.-Gov. Thomas in a letter of recommendation. Thomas Penn, still a Quaker, tried, out of friendship, to influence the Bishop of London. On the other hand, Peters was opposed by those who wished to keep clear of the Proprietaries, and, in the interests of peace, the neighbouring clergymen protested against such an appointment. Bp. Gibson, to whom on a former occasion, his Quaker kinsman Jeremiah Langhorne had written in favor of Peters, was now as much against Whitefield as formerly, and might have been expected to be glad to reward Peters, but did not yield to such considerations. Watson tells us that in 1741 the Churchmen of Philadelphia manifested some disaffection at the alleged supremacy of the Bishop of London, saying that, as the Bishop declined to license Mr. Peters after they had chosen him (alleging as a reason his living by his lay functions), they would not accept any person whom he might license, claiming that his diocese did not extend to this Province, and Mr. Peters himself alleging that a right of presentation lay in the Proprietaries and Governor. That they came to a better frame of mind was probably due to the policy of the prelate in not filling the vacancy immediately and to the satisfaction given by Rev. Eneas Ross, who devotedly served in the interim, but it argues something for the conscientiousness of Peters, who became a useful member of the Vestry and a liberal contributor under Rev. Robert Jenney. Twenty years later, on Jenney's death, Peters was unanimously appointed Rector by the Vestry, and in 1763 received the approval of Gibson's successor.

Whitefield's early bent towards the doctrine of election &ct. had been strengthened before his first coming to Pennsylvania. The time from which he can be called a Calvinist is fixed by Tyerman as about June, 1739. Whitefield's letter to John Wesley of the 25th of that

month, although starting with disapproval of Wesley's encouraging convulsions and other signs in his hearers, goes on to declare the writer shocked by a report that Wesley was about to print a sermon against predestination. Whitefield, as he knew that his opinion of it would be asked, thought silence on both sides desirable. Wesley drew lots, and, as the result was affirmative, printed; moreover he sent at least one copy to America. Whitefield's intercourse with Dissenters, while it never induced him to leave the Church of England, confirmed him in the theology then generally accepted by American Presbyterians and Congregationalists. By the time, in the year 1741, when he went back to England, he was strongly Calvinistic, and deemed it his duty vigorously to oppose the Wesleys, and was printing an answer to John Wesley's sermon on free grace. On March 6, five days before Whitefield arrived, occurred the split in the Kingswood Society, from which John Wesley dates the division of the Methodists. John Cennick, a layman in charge of the school, had preached Calvinism; Wesley told the people that they must choose between him and Cennick, whereupon about one third decided to go with the latter. Whitefield's friends, chiefly Dissenters, built a frame preaching-hall for him in London, close to the Foundry, where John Wesley preached. This Tabernacle, as Whitefield called it, became the headquarters of those who agreed with him. Three Church of England clergymen besides himself, one being a Welsh rector, and three lay preachers held on Jany. 5, 1743, at Waterford, Wales, the first Calvinistic Methodist Conference, and arranged that the ordained clergymen should visit districts as they were able, and that there should be lay preachers as district superintendents and public and private exhorters, and that Howell Harris, a lay preacher, should be their overseer. At the second Conference it was arranged that Whitefield was to be

Moderator whenever in England, there were to be Quarterly Associations, and in every county of South Wales a Monthly Association consisting of an ordained minister and the superintendent of the district or circuit and his exhorters, and all who thought they had a call to be exhorters should be examined by some Monthly Association, and by it appointed to a district. Thus was started a body which became separated from the Church of England, and which has still considerable strength in Wales.

Whitefield, after spending three and a half years in England, and about a year in New England, passed through Philadelphia in the Fall of 1745. He was then offered 800l. to preach there six months in the year, but declined and went on to Georgia. He was back, but only for a few days, in August, 1746, but, in the following year, spent part of May and June and a few days of September in Philadelphia. He visited the city several times later at considerable intervals, the last time being a few months before his death, arriving on May 6, 1770, as we learn from the newspaper, and, after a week's trip in the interior, finally leaving on June 15. He wrote during his stay: "To all the Episcopal churches, as well as to most of the other places of worship, I have free access:" and besides the Second and Third Presbyterian, the Methodist, the Swedish at Kingsessing, and St. Paul's, Third Street, he preached in both Christ Church and St. Peter's, then united under the rectorate of his old opposer, Peters. Whitefield died on September 30, 1770, at Newburyport, Mass.

CHAPTER XII.

PENN'S SECOND MARRIAGE AND SECOND VISIT.

Penn's continued financial distress-Death of his first wife and his second marriage-False conveyancing between him and Ford-Opposition to Penn among English Quakers-The Regents' orders to him when about to sail-Logan and the voyage to Pennsylvania-Birth of John Penn "the American"-Quary, Morris, and David Lloyd -Assembly passes laws against pirates and forbidden trade-Proceedings against suspected pirates —The trials in England, and hanging of KiddQuaker traders provoked at Penn not curbing the Admiralty court-Tobacco-Election for Councillors and Assemblymen-Lloyd suspended from the Council Tax for debts of government and impost for Penn-Old Charter surrendered: Penn rules under powers granted by King Charles II-Councillors appointed by Penn-Water Bailiffs Oaths -Mixed judiciary attempted-"Sweet Singer of Israel"-Assembly at New Castle in October and November, 1700-20007. voted to Penn-Law fixing right to vote and eligibility for Assemblymen -Marriage law-Assembly refuses to contribute to erecting forts on frontier of New York-Bill in Parliament to unite Proprietary governments to the Crown-New Assembly confirms laws passed at New Castle-Modified marriage law-Courts of law and equity-New Frame of GovernmentNew charter for the City-New Council for the Governor-Proposed Charter of Property-Penn returns to England.

William Penn had been unable to extricate himself from the financial embarrassment in which the Revo

lution of 1688 found him, and which was marked by a change in the secret title to his possessions on the western side of Delaware River and Bay with certain exceptions. The change was effected by a release dated Aug. 30, 1690, of his equity of redemption of the lease held by Ford, and an assignment, dated Sep. 1, of that lease to Thomas Ellwood, in trust to hold it to attend the freehold and inheritance, and a conveyance, by lease and release of Sep. 2 and 3, from Penn of the fee simple to Ford. The right to redeem and annul this was dependent upon the word of Ford. Towards having any money to use in redemption, Penn, since then, was saving nothing out of his income. He estimated in 1705 that, on an average, in the fifteen years between his first and second visits to Pennsylvania, he had spent £400 annually in London "to hinder much mischief against us if not to do us much good." During some years of the time, his Shanagarry estate, by reason of King James's war in Ireland and other causes, was unproductive. Penn, when requesting the following loan, spoke of £450 per annum (probably the rent-roll approximately) totally laid waste (his word was "wasted") in Ireland.

The request for a loan by Pennsylvanians, made under date of 12mo. 4, 1693, mentioned in the chapter on England, was that one hundred persons should lend Penn each on an average 100 pounds (probably sterling in London net above exchange) without interest for four years, on Penn's bond, to draw interest on whatever might remain unpaid at the end of four years. As mentioned, the £10,000 were not raised.

Resuming the project of a secondary settlement on the Susquehanna front, Penn made some sales to persons in London of land to be laid out between the Delaware and Susquehanna. To secure equal opportunities with the Londoners, a number of Pennsylvanians entered into an agreement to buy Susquehanna

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