venture to say plainly that he thinks so. It was but fair and candid in the gentleman from Missouri to say that there will be no war. No, sir, there will be no French war; none, unless perchance it may be intended to raise a war spirit with France, for the purpose of a war against this Senate-unless it may be intended to get up a war spirit, for the purpose of covering the surplus, or throwing its expenditure into the hands of the Executive. If such a game as this is to be played on the verge of a war, we may fall in. If we do, sir, the responsibility is a fearful one upon those who made such a stake upon the issue of such a game; but I hope for better things; I hope that the honor of the nation will be left untarnished, that its peace will be uninterrupted, and that the Senate will maintain its high and salutary control.

Mr. BENTON bore testimony to the zeal displayed by the Military Committee, who not only agreed at once to bring forward the proposition, but to sanction any other proposition which he might deem it necessary to report. [He here read the last paragraph of the report of the committee.]

With respect to his resolution, it contained no appropriation. The terms were general, and only declared the sense of the Senate on a subject which was admitted into the action of the Government forty years ago, when Congress applied all the surplus revenue to the extinction of the public debt. The commencement of his resolution was similar in principle, and there was not an ap propriation of a dollar. He had got up merely that he might bear testimony to the industry of the Military Committee, and to say that there was no appropriation. He wished to make an issue between those who would appropriate the surplus revenue for the defence of the country, and those who would make an indiscriminate distribution of it among the States. If gentlemen wished to know his authority for what he had said, it was the Constitutionnel, a semi-official newspaper in Paris. He had nothing to say on the subject of that committee on conference, as he was not one of that committee. He took his stand on a position which was obvious to the whole American people, when he referred to what Senators said on this floor, and afterwards sent out to the world in their printed speeches, on the subject of their opposition to these appropriations. He took his stand on the broad ground of these speeches. Mr. CLAYTON said that the Senate and the country would perceive from the remarks of those who had already participated in the debate, and particularly from those of the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. LEIGH,] how far the member from Missouri had succeeded in his accusations against those who, at the last hour of the last day of the 23d Congress, refused to vote for an appropriation of three millions of dollars, without specification of objects. He held it entirely unnecessary, for the full and perfect vindication of himself and those who acted

with him on that occasion, to enter into any further detail of the acts and doings of that memorable night, although he believed that a full development of all that occurred out of this chamber at that time would still further expose the utter want of foundation for the charge that the fortification bill fell by the fault of the Senate, or that there was among its members a neglect of duty in endeavoring to provide for the defence of the country. But his object in now rising was to reply to that remark of the member from Missouri, pronounced with so much emphasis, that the people were yet to be made acquainted with other proofs of our disposition at that session to refuse to provide for the defence of the country. These proofs he proceeded to state. They consisted of the report of the Committee on Military Affairs, made at an early day during the last session, recommending a very great addition to the sums proposed to be appropriated for national defence, in the fortification bill, which came

[JAN. 12, 1836.

here from the other House, and, among others, a specific appropriation of half a million of dollars, to be applied to arming and completing the fortifications of the United States; and then the gentleman informed us that, after he had moved to insert this large appropriation in the fortification bill, which the committee had proposed as being in connexion with other amendments, also increasing the appropriations proposed by the other House, adequate to the purposes of defence at the time, his mo tion failed. We are thus shown, sir, by this statement, to have refused to vote for a specific appropriation of five hundred thousand dollars for defence. Now, sir, in my defence, and to put down, now and forever, all im putations or insinuations that I have ever refused to grant specific appropriations for the defence of the country, I beg leave to submit a brief statement of the facts connected with this subject, which will be confirmed by every member of the Committee on Military Affairs, and by all who have any recollection of the events to which refer.

I

Sir, after all that has been said here, you will be sur prised to learn now that I was the very member of the Committee on Military Affairs who moved the instruction to the honorable member from Missouri, as chairman of that committee, directing him to make the motion upon which he has plumed himself, and for the failure of which he has this day arraigned us all before the American people; that I voted for and supported the motion here, as well as in the committee, and that the motion fell, not because the Senate was opposed to the object of it, but because the Committee on Finance informed us at the moment that they had the subject under consideration, and intended to propose a substitute for it, which we know they afterwards did propose. Yes, sir, the members of the Committee on Military Affairs will bear me witness that I was the first man who proposed, in either House of Congress, at the last session, to in crease the means of our defence, in consequence of the indications of a possible rupture with another country; and that I went in advance of every department of the Government in making this identical proposition: the purport of which was, that, after granting ample appro priations for every fortification which was named in the bill, five hundred thousand dollars should be placed at the disposal of the Executive, to be applied to con structing, arming, and completing any other fortifica tions which, in his judgment, might require it. Recol lect, sir, that, at the time I moved this instruction, no department of this Government had moved in the matter to anticipate or give direction to my action; and, let me add, that I moved it without preconcert with any man, or set of men, either in or out of Congress. I acted solely on my own responsibility, independent of all party considerations. I thought I saw that a crisis was ap proaching in the affairs of our country which required me to move without prompting, and I waited for no man's lead to induce me to use my humble efforts to arm and protect that country, without caring from what quarter or from what cause the necessity for that protec tion had arisen or might arise. Sir, I moved that part of the instructions also under which the chairman proposed to double the amount of the appropriation proposed by the other House, for the purpose of rebuilding Fort Delaware. This amendment was adopted after a protracted debate, in which I took a part, supporting the amendment according to the best of my humble ability, here on the floor of the Senate. gentleman from Alabama, who was in the chair at the time, will tell you, sir, that such was the fact; and he will remember, as will others here, that, after the adoption of the motion to grant $150,000, instead of $75,000, for rebuilding Fort Delaware, the Senate did, at a very late hour of the day, and when many members were out of

The honorable

We

she will derive from those very improvements will, ere long, prevent this debt from being a burden upon her people. I would advise Kentucky to do likewise. can now afford her important aid in such a great undertaking, if she will accept it. She can have the benefit of all our experience. The agents who have been em. ployed upon our public works--men faithful, competent, and experienced—have been or will be swept away with the besom of reform. Not one will be left. Of this, how. ever, I do not complain. I should be glad if Kentucky would be benefited by it. We can afford her men who will conduct the public improvements which she is about to undertake, with integrity, economy, and skill.

In reference to the veto upon the Maysville road, which has been introduced into this debate, I shall make a few remarks. I voted for that bill, and whatever I may have thought, at the time, of the veto on that particular road, I am convinced that the principles which were asserted in it have been of great service to the country. If we had pursued the system of appropriating money for the construction of roads and canals all over the Union, the attention of Congress would thus have been diverted from the great objects intrusted to our care by the constitution. Our time would have been almost exclusively occupied in this business. Besides, although each member might have prescribed it as a rule for him. self to grant no appropriations except to national objects, yet when a road or canal was proposed, affecting nearly the interest of his own constituents, he would have been ingenious in satisfying himself that it was of general importance. Such is the nature of man. Each member would have had to decide this question for himself, and each decision would have been a precedent, upon the strength of which we might go a little farther. The na tural tendency of the system was to proceed to such an extent that, instead of legislating for the great interests of the Union, the chief objects of our pursuit would have been to obtain money from the Treasury to be expended on roads and canals for the benefit of our constituents. Notwithstanding all the knowledge and all the ability which are centered in Congress, in my humble opinion, we would constitute a very inefficient and injudicious board of internal improvements. I am glad this system has been checked. I think it the very worst mode which we could adopt of expending the surplus in the Treasury. I should greatly prefer any other which has been proposed.

Mr. B. said he had been in Kentucky when he was very young; and he yet retained and ever should retain a lively and grateful impression of that visit. He had then formed a most favorable opinion of the State and of its population. But he must also say that he never should forget their roads. He was glad to learn that the road between Lexington and Maysville had been turnpiked. It needed it much. He would venture to say, that, before this turnpike was made, all the horses which could have been attached to any vehicle of sufficient dimensions to accommodate Orozimbo, would not have drawn him, in the spring season of the year, from Maysville to Ashland.

Mr. NILES said he had made several unsuccessful attempts to get the floor, but did not intend to detain the Senate, as it was not his purpose to enter into a general discussion of this bill, or of the particular motion before the Senate. This was a Western interest, and, in his opinion, especially a local one; yet it was called a great national work, and, perhaps, in one view of the subject, it might be so considered. Coming from a different quarter, it could not be supposed that he felt any special interest in the bill; yet having never before had the honor of a seat in Congress, this was the first time he had been called on to act in relation to the Cumberland road; and, considering that it had been an old and constant claimant,

[FEB. 26, 1836.

having been for more than thirty years before Congress, he was perhaps called on to pay his respects to it. This road appears to have been a particular favorite of this Government, and, like other favorites, to have been a large sharer in the public bounty. His object was to notice some of the suggestions of the honorable Senators from Kentucky, [Mr. CLAY and Mr. CRITTENDEN,] rather than either to oppose or advocate the bill, in the fate of which he felt no particular solicitude. He could not subscribe to the correctness of the positions which the Senator from Kentucky, who first spoke, [Mr. CLAY,] had assumed, and in which he seemed disposed to place others.

He did not understand the position which the gentle men from Kentucky have assumed in relation to this bill. In saying this, he had no intention of charging them with a want of clearness or force in their remarks-far from it; but there appeared to be something in reserve; some object which lay beyond this bill, and which they seemed disposed to advance indirectly, by their course in rela tion to this subject. Are the gentlemen opposed to the bill, or in favor of it? In either case, he thought he should understand them.

He understood perfectly well the position of the two honorable Senators from Indiana, [Mr. HENDRICKS and Mr. TIPTON;] their object is to get through this road; to have it made at the expense of the Government, and as soon as possible; and, consequently, they wish to obtain as large appropriations as they can. He did not complain of this; it was a course perfectly natural, and consistent with the relation in which they stood to the subject. But the Senators from Kentucky appear to occu py a more uncertain and equivocal relation to this bill, At one time, it would seem as if the only question was, whether this road was to be constructed on one side or the other side of the Ohio river. If this is the main question, it is one in which the members of this body generally will probably feel but little interest.

The Senator from Kentucky, who first spoke, [Mr. CLAY,] informed us of his early friendship for this great work; of the constant support he has afforded it. He might have said powerful support; but he seems now to intimate a reluctance to sustain it, because the system of internal improvement, of which he says this road was a part, is suspended. Mark that word, sir; the gentleman says this is suspended; but I will take the liberty to use a more definite term, and inform the gentleman that I think this favorite system of his is ended; that it is overthrown, not only by the act of the Executive, but by public opinion, and that it is ended now, henceforth, and forever. He says the veto of the bill for the Mays ville and Louisville road had destroyed the system, and that those who sustained the administration who had put down the system, could hardly expect the support of those who are friendly to it. But whilst he still professes to be friendly to the object of this bill, he insists on placing it on a ground which, he must know, would be fatal to it, not only in another quarter, but in Congress. He says the Cumberland road cannot be distinguished from any other work of internal improvement, and that it can rest on no other foundation than the existence of a power in this Government to construct roads. Sir, if this bill can stand on no other foundation than this, it cannot stand at all--it cannot be sustained--it must fall to the ground.

I had supposed that the compacts with the new States, by which five per cent. on the amount of lands sold in such States was reserved, two per cent. for roads leading to those States, and three per cent. for making roads in such States, amounted to something-that it was entitled to some consideration as distinguishing this from other roads, notwithstanding this fund and much more has al ready been expended. But this road owes its origin

to those compacts-it was undertaken in pursuance of them; and, having been begun, has been continued, and a sum expended greatly exceeding the five per cent. on the sales of the public lands. I do not say that these compacts were wise, but I regard them as unwise and unfortunate, by involving this Government in a business which did not belong to it, and in regard to which its constitutional power is very doubtful. I regard these compacts as still in force, because the five per cent. on all the lands to be sold within those States is to go into our Treasury. I regret that these compacts were entered into; but having been made, and the Government having undertaken this work-baving persevered in it for more than thirty years-it having received the sanction of every administration, from that of Mr. Jefferson to the present, and of every department of the Government-it becomes a grave question, whether we can stop short and now abandon it; whether, after all that has been done, after the long course of action on this subject for more than thirty years, the nation is not in some sense committed is not in some way pledged to complete this road? If it is; if this Government has yet to build this road to the Mississippi, as the gentleman from Kentucky seems to admit, it is not perhaps very material whether the appropriations are made in one year or in many years, if we have the money to spare. This becomes only a question as to time and convenience, and a wise economy in the expenditure of the money. If we have yet to make this road, having now a large surplus, (which is so alarming to some gentlemen,) we may perhaps as well appropriate what can be profitably and advantageously expended. The sooner we are done with this road the better; it is time this Government was clear of it.

But the honorable Senator from Kentucky appears to have another object in view; to revive his favorite system in another form, by the distribution of the proceeds of the public lands. Sir, it is not surprising that that gentleman should feel sensibly and deeply the loss of that 5) stem-a system of which, and I presume correctly, he has been called the father. No doubt it was a fond child of his; one which he cherished with parental solicitude during its brief and troubled existence; one on which he relied, and from which he expected much. And since it has been taken from him, it doubtless appears more interesting. It is a principle of our nature, that when objects dear to us are lost, they appear more lovely than when we possessed them, and our affections are revived with more vividness and force. I have myself had the melancholy experience of the truth of this principle.

The regrets of the honorable Senator over his fallen system are perfectly natural; I am not surprised at them; but I think they will be unavailing, I trust that system is something more than suspended; it is, I hope, ended, and never more to be revived, either in its original shape or in a new form or disguise. I hope never to see the day when there will be such an enlargement and extension of the powers and patronage of this Government, as that system is calculated to bring with it. Sir, the accumulation of power here, in this central, this engrossing, ingulfing Government, is sufficiently rapid and alarming, without giving any new impetus to its natural tendencies.

The honorable Senator has informed us that he wishes to see the blessings of this Government reach the whole Union, and spread over the whole and every part with an even hand. But what does he regard as the blessings of this Government? Is it the extension of its agency in the construction of roads and canals within the States? Is it the distribution among them of large sums of money for these objects? Sir, I hope never to see the day when the States of this Union shall be encouraged and induced to look up to this central power for money, whether to make their roads and canals, or any other ob.

[SENATE.

ject. I hope the day will never arrive, when the sove reign States shall be reduced to a dependence on this Government; when they shall become its pensioners, as are now the surviving remnants of the glorious army of the Revolution. If these are the blessings the gentleman alludes to, I hope we may be long saved from them. Sooner than vote for such a system, I would see this arm fall from its socket. Would the gentleman have this Government like that of France, where forty millions are expended annually by the Executive on the public roads, and an immense patronage attending it? If the States are taught to look to this Government for means to construct roads, and to carry on their works of internal improvement, they will soon look here for means for other objects-for the erection of their public buildings, for education, and even for their ordinary current expenses. Should such a system be established-a system of degradation and dependence on the part of the States; of a vast accumulation of power, patronage, and influence, on the part of this Government; it would work a revolution in the system. I should despair of long preserving our liberties; they would at once lose their freshness; a blight would come over them, and decay, rapid decay, would follow. Sir, the disbursement of the public treasure is the essential element of Government patronage, and the extent of the one depends on the amount of the other; neither is it very material how this money is paid out, whether to public officers, to agents, or contractors, or distributed among the States.

The swelling flood which is now flowing into your Treasury, according to the gentleman from South Carolina, [Mr. PRESTON,] and which he so eloquently descri bed the other day, would all be wanted to keep up a system like this, and would all go to extend the patronage of this Government.

us.

Sir, the real blessings of this Government are diffused over the whole Union; they are diffused equally in every State, and among the whole people. All participate in them, and all share alike. These blessings are the moral power and influence of this Government; the protection and security which it affords to all; the consciousness of this security, and the peace and happiness which flow from it. This is the great and primary end of all civil institutions. It is the great moral agency of this Government, and its influence on public sentiment at home and abroad, which preserves peace among the States, and security against foreign Powers. We have recently experienced the importance of this security, whilst the danger of a rupture with a great nation impended over Had it not been for this system, what would have been the situation of the States? Would they have been able to have afforded protection, and would the people have felt that security and composure which they did? These blessings are not the less to be prized because the power from whence they flow is in a great measure unseen and unfelt. If the action of this Government was confined to its proper limits, it would be scarcely seen or felt by the people. Your tax-gatherers do not go among them; they seldom see your marshals or executive officers. This Government acts on the great body of the people only by its moral power and influence, and the blessings which it confers may almost be compared to those dispensed by Divine Providence: we enjoy, we realize them; we feel their influence, but hardly know the source of the power whence they flow; it is far removed, invisible, and felt only in the blessings it diffuses over the Union.

Mr. BENTON said the Government had been about thirty years-the life of a generation-engaged in this road, and still it had not reached the Mississippi. Some of the superintendents, by the smallness of the sums which they had applied for, had seemed to consider their occupation as a life estate, which it would be a pity