with the Spanish government, that calls for the immediate interference of our Executive. A system of under-hand acting has been fully brought home to the Spanish Consul and the Captain-General of Cuba, under whose orders he acted, highly dangerous to the peace of the community here, and extremely offensive to our national honor. While these events were developing themselves, it transpired that a number of armed men, in various parts of the Union, were preparing for some expedition of which the object was unknown. The Executive Government availed itself of the vague rumors to issue the following proclamation, as a sort of pro-peace display:

"PROCLAMATION.

"There is reason to believe that an armed expedition is about to be fitted out in the United States, with an intention to invade the Island of Cuba, or some of the provinces of Mexico. The best information which the executive has been able to obtain points to the Island of Cuba as the object of this expedition. It is the duty of the government to observe the faith of treaties, and to prevent any aggression by our citizens upon the territories of friendly nations. I have therefore thought it necessary and proper to issue this Proclamation,to warn all citizens of the United States who shall connect themselves with an enterprise so grossly in violation of our laws and our treaty obligations, that they will thereby subject themselves to the heavy penalties denounced against them by our acts of Congress, and will forfeit their claim to the protection of their country. No such persons must expect the interference of this government, in any form, in their behalf, no matter to what extremities they may be reduced in consequence of their conduct. An enterprise to invade the territories of a friendly nation, set on foot and prosecuted within the limits of the United States, is in the highest degree criminal, as tending to endanger the peace and compromit the honor of this nation; and, therefore, I exhort all good citizens, as they regard our national reputation -as they respect their own laws, and the laws of nations-as they value the blessings of peace and the welfare of their country-to discountenance and prevent, by all lawful means, any such enterprise; and I call upon every officer of this government, civil or military, to use all efforts in his power to arrest for trial and punishment, every such offender against the laws providing for the performance of our sacred obligations to friendly powers.

"Given under my hand the eleventh day of August, in the year of our Lord one thou sand eight hundred and forty-nine; and the seventy-fourth of the Independence of the United States. Z. TAYLOR.

J. M. CLAYTON, Secretary of State."

That our treaty obligations forbid any armed expedition to be fitted out within our borders against nations with which we are at peace, is undoubtedly the case; but the assumption that armed citizens are going to march against some particular state with which we are at peace, is a most absurd stretch of power. That American citizens have the full and undoubted right to enter into the service of any foreign nation, has frequently been asserted, and acted upon. Our gallant officers entered freely into the service of the Texans, when struggling for independence, and the Texans loaned money, bought arms, and procured aid among us, as did also Don Carlos, in London, when he attempted to seize the crown of Spain. Hundreds of similar instances present themselves, affording precedents that justify the entering into the service of the Cubans, against their ruthless oppressors. The practicability of the enterprize is unquestionable. A force of 3 to 4,000 Americans, landed in Cuba, in the winter months, would have to contend with perhaps 14,000 Spaniards, divided in small garrisons, throughout the island,' each at the mercy of the people, if those people have a sufficient rallying point. Sixty days probably would suffice to place a provisional government at the head of affairs, declare the independence of the island,

organize its revenues, and bid defiance to the utmost power of Spain. In fact, it is questionable whether that government could stand at all unsupported by the revenues of the island. No state of Europe is in lower credit than Spain. Its finances are in the worst possible condition, and its impoverished people little disposed to suffer new oppressions for the maintenance of a control over an island, the resources of which are served only to feed the debaucheries of rulers, odious to the mass of the people, and to afford places for the reward of the corrupt eleves of the ex-Queen Regent. The changed aspect of Europe has altered the views of France towards trans-atlantic possessions, and the republican sympathies of that people would hail the release of Cuba from the iron despotism that crushes it. In the views of England, the last twenty years have wrought an immense change. In that period of time, she has ruined her own West-India colonies, by paying $100,000,000 to emancipate the slaves. That she at one time sought, in the emancipation of the Cuban negroes, to raise the value of her own dilapidated colonies on the ruins of that island, may be true. But she abandoned the scheme, and in reducing the duties on slave-grown sugar, admitted the necessity her people had for the labor of the slaves of Cuba and Brazil. The progress of free-trade principles has further loosened her hold upon trans-atlantic colonies, and she is half-inclined to relinquish her feeble grasp upon Canada. At such a moment, she would have little desire to meddle with Cuba. It has been stated that the government at Madrid, foreseeing the impossibility of much longer holding control of the island, manifested a desire to get what they could by selling it to England for £20,000,000. But she will fail of her customer. The debt of England is already more than her people will much longer submit to, and was raised to its present amount by paying £20,000,000, say $100,000,000, in emancipation of her West-India slaves, in 1835, which sum was utterly thrown away. To give £20,000,000 more for Cuba, would involve a further outlay of £20,000,000 to emancipate the slaves; say an expenditure of $200,000,000, and to no purpose, since the repeal of the navigation laws, and the modification of the tariffs, would as effectually throw all the trade of Cuba, as an English province, into the hands of the United States, and perhaps more surely than if she remained independent with her own laws.

Under the influence of annexation, the property of the Cubans would immediately equalise with that of similar property in the United States, and the sugar plantations of Louisiana would find, in the hitherto untouched soil of Cuba, the means of underselling the world in sugar; while the capacity of Cuba to purchase and consume the beef, ham, flour, and other supplies of the Western states, would develope itself in an almost limitless degree. The $20,000,000 now drawn from the island, annually, for remittances to Madrid, accumulating in the island as a capital in the employment of its free industry, would draw desirable settlers from all nations to avail themselves of its limitless advantages.

RADICALISM.

THERE are many terms in use, which convey to different minds ideas widely variant from each other. The import of the term is too often mistaken for the truth that it contains. The attempt to compress every great idea within the meaning of a solitary word-to define, by a single sentence, that which needs volumes to be fully expressed-to represent, by an imperfect symbol, what cannot be perfectly comprehended but by the most persevering study and reflection, has led to the erroneous conelusions with reference to grave and highly important subjects. The term which we have selected as the basis of some observations, has shared this melancholy fate.

It is our design to notice some erroneous views of Radicalism-to state, as far as possible, within a limited space, what is its real importand to trace its workings in the history of the American government.

A class of superficial thinkers have considered it as something mysterious-theoretical in the extreme-having no connexion with the affairs of practical life. They give it a place among the thousand isms, that spring from the brains of visionary speculators-and attach to it a like importance. The reasonings of this class are so shallow, and their influence so limited, that it would be alike a childish and a useless task to endeavor to convince them of their errors. The great mass of mankind will acknowledge, that whatever is manifested in action, must first be developed in thought-that thought must be perfected in reflection before it can be exhibited to the world in its true light. Speculation must open the way for theory-and theory will demonstrate its correctness or futility when applied to practice. Philosophers must invent e'er mechanics can apply. Thus is it with Radicalism. The statesman in his closet developes those mighty ideas that are to control the masses of mankind and decide the destinies of nations. The radical thoughts of the reformer become the rallying cry to his followers-what is theory to him becomes action among them. The plans of the general are not more certainly decisive of the movements of his soldiers, the method of attack, and the events of battle, than the ideas of leading statesmen, be they radical or otherwise, are decisive of the action of the people and the policy of nations.

Dismissing, then, this class of thinkers, as too feeble to be hurtful, we find another portion of the community, whose views of Radicalism are of the most distorted character. We refer to those commonly styled conservative. They are often men of well-stored minds, and extensive influence. But their habits of thought, their tastes, their imaginations, all unite to fasten their connection to the must and fragments of by-gone years. The crumbling ruin, supported by the faithful ivy, instead of teaching them a useful lesson, becomes an object of pious adoration. Pondering over books, written time out of date, they catch glances of all the inspired wisdom that is not erased. From the alcoves of ancient cathedrals they hear the loud-swelling tones of the organ, and imagine that Heaven is breathing in the music of the past. They love to linger amid the tombs of departed empires-and, copying their inscriptions,

blazon them forth as suitable constitutions for young and vigorous republics. They love the past with a fondness so devoted, that they will embrace even the corrupting forms that lie enclosed within its sepulchres. To them the death-knells of antiquity, sound sweeter than the alarum bells of revolution. Disgusted with the present, actual condition of things, they hover around the past with feelings of melancholy, and gaze into the future with the gloominess of despair.

We can well imagine the views that men of this stamp will entertain of Radicalism. Instead of regarding it with indifference, like the other. class, they will see a horrid monster, whose mission it is to trample down and destroy. Tell them that Radicalism is but the hand that shapes and moulds old institutions to suit the present and future use, and they will point you to the past for the monuments of a wisdom that needs no improvement.

They will maintain that every radical movement must necessarily be a destroying one; and, if a destroying one, of course lead to the desolation of all that is fair and venerable in the works of past ages. Its tendency is to break up the established order of things, and therefore it must be an evil. Besides, when it has once commenced its work, no one can tell how soon it will cease its devastations. nor measure the extent of the injuries that it will inflict upon society. Every cloud that skirts along the political horizon, contains within its bosom the thunders that shake, and the lightnings that shiver the fair structures of antiquity. Every gale that sweeps through the political atmosphere, bears the dread malaria that is to poison the life-blood of the state. They regard Radicalism as the foe to law, to order, to safety and permanency. They judge of it, not by the truths of history, or the teachings of reason, but contend against it because it little harmonizes with their fondness for old associations-they dread that which their imaginations have invested with direst horrors.

Of the two elements that are constantly at work upon the political institutions of a nation, the class we have just noticed represents the conservative element-the tendency of which, is to keep the affairs of state in a condition of perpetual fixedness-to be stationary rather than advance-to build unseemly additions upon old and decayed tenements, rather than erect new and elegant. specimens of political architecture. The best qualification of a statesman fitted for this school of politics, is to be a thorough antiquarian; he must avoid experimenting, as it leads to rashness; he must shun new theories, as they will pave the way for the overthrow of old practices. If any new improvement is loudly demanded, caution, almost approaching to timidity, will be the governing principle in the change. The festering, loathsome sores upon the body politic, must be approached with a caution similar to that with which they would dress the wounds of an aged father. Such is the manner in which the conservative element operates upon the minds of its votaries. In their anxiety to become pure conservatives they often make decided retrogrades.

Directly opposed to this is the radical element-which may be defined as that which is constantly modifying, changing, reforming, and improving the institutions of society. Imagination and fond recollection are laid aside when it views the structures of antiquity, and the "cui bono" becomes a subject of zealous inquiry. The principle, that because a thing exists it should continue, is not a doctrine known in the creed of the radicalist. Wherever abuses need removing, he is ready to apply the

remedy. From the pages of the past, he draws the profitable lessons of experience. And, instead of pining over the follies of modern innovations, as contrasted with the hoary glories of the "olden time," he erects on the ruins of departed empires the beacon-light, which is to point out to future nations the shoals and breakers that have proved fatal to those that have preceded them. It is his pleasure to remodel whatever is capable of renovation-it is his mission to destroy, utterly, what time and decay have combined to render worthless for present purposes. He advances boldly and fearlessly to the work of reform-while the hand of innovation clears the moss-covered rubbish from his pathway. Progress his aim, and "onward" his motto, he heeds not the alarming cries of his conservative brethren. They have warmed their hearts at the smouldering ruins of the past, while his is gleaming with bright hopes for the future.

Whether the changes are effected by the mysterious influences of the pen, or by the sudden convulsions of the revolution, the same element is working in its beauty and power. Because a change is gradual, we are inclined to regard it as far from being radical. Whereas, it is one of the noblest features of Radicalism, that it often accomplishes its purposes in a quiet, silent manner. Peaceably it prepares the way, before it deals out its bold, effective blows. Necessity-urgent and pressing necessityalone causes it to mount the war-horse of revolution, and sport amid conflict and carnage. The arm of a Brutus would never have driven the fatai dagger to the heart of his friend, had not the principle of liberty been constantly growing in the affections of the Roman people. The bold genius of Napoleon would never have formed the project of levelling the thrones of Europe, unless the tyranny of the Bourbons had fired the people with an insupportable hatred to royal power. The British parliament would never have been dispersed by a commoner, were it not that the writings of England's gifted sons had prepared her people to applaud such a bold undertaking. Thus we see causes which have been operating for centuries, silently but constantly manifesting themselves in sudden and startling effects. The spirit of Radicalism is always abroad on its mighty mission; no field so distant, but that it will some day experience the benefit of its labors. It will always find statesmen, over whose minds it can breathe the spirit of its truth and glory. It will always find hands ready promptly and faithfully to execute its designs. The present years are bearing witness to the long-continued labors of this element, in reforming and remodeling the political condition of the world. We hear of crushing thrones-the flights of monarchs-and the confusion of a whole continent in political anarchy, as if some sudden, unexpected acts had produced these remarkable changes; forgetting that this element of Radicalism, sometimes suppressed, but never extinct, has been working with constant force upon the minds of Europe, since the days of former Revolutions. The slumbering fires are now breaking forth from their secret caverns, to pour the lava of their wrath upon crowned heads, lolling in security, and royal seats become venerable amid the terrors of oppression.

But no nation has ever existed where the fruits of its labors have been so signal and beneficial as our own. From the very commencement, we have been a radical, progressive people. The country was settled by many, who left without regret the pomp and pageantry of kingly power. They came to a land where the wild luxuriance of nature "speaking in