with authority to enforce its mandates, seems not to have been entertained or hardly conceived. The consolidating process was one of slow growth, for seventy five years. Of course the embarrassment of the situation was forcibly realized during the revolutionary war and long years after its close. At home and abroad people doubted the validity or value of paper issued by those colonies, who had simply entered into a confederation without recognizing the binding force and responsibility of a general government. This was painfully apparent in the valueless paper issued to prosecute the war of the revolution. And the first or most important step taken toward a recognition of the fact that the colonies had successfully fought their way to freedom and independence, and were tending towards consolidation as a nation, was the adoption of the memorable ordinance of 1787. And while the journals of the early sessions of congress are incomplete, compared with the voluminous records now kept, we can see the process of reasoning which resulted in the adoption of this ordinance. This contains within itself nearly all the fundamental principles upon which the government has stood the test of a hundred years. It was the vital and turning point in the early history of this nation. It laid broad and deep the foundation for strength, greatness, prosperity, liberty and education. And in taking the step towards a recognition of the principle which is now recognized by all of our people, north, south, east and west, that we are a nation, they commenced a struggle in our civilization that closed three quarters of a century later at Appomattox. It was largely to establish this principle that the war of the rebellion was fought, so that, in this respect, the adoption of the ordinance of 1787 formed an important epoch in our history. In all things that relate to good government and the welfare of our people its importance can hardly be over estimated.

Article III. declares that "general morality and knowledge, being necessary to the good of a government and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of education shall forever be encouraged." A hundred years ago, the men who framed and adopted this ordinance conceived the necessity of morality and education, as the underlying strength of a republic, and expressed it as forcibly and concisely as the most learned patriot of to-day can do.

Again, they declared that "the inhabitants of said territory shall always be entitled to the benefits of the writ of habeas corpus, of a trial by jury, of a proportionate representation of the people in the legislature and of judicial proceedings according to the course of common law. No cruel or unjust punishment shall be inflicted, no man shall be deprived of his liberty, or his property, but by the judgment of his peers or the law of the land." That was good law, good patriotism and essential to the preservation of the freedom of

the people and the enjoyment of civil liberty a hundred years ago, and is equally so to-day. The far seeing legislators of that period declared that no tax shall be imposed on lands the property of the United States, and in no case shall non-residents be taxed higher than residents. They seemed to have anticipated many of the conflicts which have from time to time arisen, many of the notions and purposes which have to some extent prevailed in later years and in a more advanced civilization. But the crowning glory of the ordinance of 1787 is contained in the sixth article. This has been often quoted and righteously revered by lovers of freedom everywhere. It reads, "there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said territory, otherwise than in the punishment of crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted." The adoption of this one single provision has changed the whole past, present and future of the empire. It has established freedom as the corner-stone of American civilization. No wiser thoughts were ever coined into words or law than these. It was the turning point, and as it applied then to a trackless wilderness, it was possibly not regarded at the time of such vast importance as it afterwards proved to be. If the fathers had neglected to have placed this one single provision in the ordinance of 1787, the whole character of our people, of our institutions, and everything pertaining to us in the past, present and future, would in all human probability, have been changed. And when we reflect upon the consequences, we are filled with admiration for the men, who, struggling with difficulties untold, merging from the results of a terrific conflict, poor, in debt, grappling with an unsolved problem, who could still scan the future so accurately as to perceive the propriety and necessity of this ordinance. In the territory to be more directly affected by its adoption there was no voice to be heard in its favor at that time, while now it embraces the great and prosperous states of Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois and Wisconsin, with nearly one fourth of the population of the whole republic; dotted with cities and villages, cultivated fields, comfortable farm houses, school houses and churches, and checkered throughout its length and breadth by railroads. This section furnishes the most productive grain fields of the world. And not only does this ordinance affect the people embraced within the territory over which it applied, but in its reflex influence it is extended away beyond. Doubtless if it had not been for this prohibitory ordinance, slavery with its blighting influence would have crossed the Ohio and entrenched itself in this territory dedicated forever to freedom and its blessings. It will be remembered that this territory had recently been ceded by the state of Virginia to the United States, and that the representatives of the old commonwealth participated in the adoption of the ordinance which provided for its government. And

whatever we may think of the course afterwards pursued, of the devotion to slavery, of the hatred of universal freedom, of the enthrallment of a race, of the terrific and frantic efforts made to maintain the institution of slavery, of the states where it existed, yet we must honor their representatives of a hundred years ago for their participation in the adoption of a measure that finally gave freedom to the whole nation. It is true at that time there were neither slaves nor freemen in this territory, but while the result has far exceeded the brightest anticipations of the old patriots, yet they, with the eye of faith, could see the section devoted to freedom teeming with a busy and happy population. And whether we credit the adoption of the provision contained in the sixth article to the influence of Massachusetts and New York, or to a latent love of freedom entertained by the representatives from Delaware, North Carolina, South Carolina, Virginia, and Georgia, I-should fail to do justice to my own sentiments did I neglect to do honor to the representatives of these states where slavery then existed, did I fail to note the fact that each of these states cast its solid vote on the 13th day of July, 1787, to make freedom, and not slavery, the law governing the north west territory. And we must in justice honor the men who had the patriotism, though surrounded by slavery, to see and act for the best interests of posterity. And while in our hatred of slavery and in the strife of political conflict, and in the fiercer passions of war, we have thought hard thoughts and said severe things of the policy of Virginia, the Carolinas and Georgia, we should never forget that their representatives had it in their power to have defeated the provision a hundred years ago, which has forever rendered this country a home of freem en.

This tribute to the birthplace of my mother and of my maternal ancestors is cheerfully and truthfully rendered. The representatives from these states were at least in this one respect as loyal to the principles of freedom as were the representatives from Massachusetts and New York. This is the centennial year of the adoption of the ordinance, and it is well that we celebrate the occasion. Its spirit has sometimes been misunderstood or perverted, but within the next 12 months it will be appreciated as never before. It will be celebrated and its praises sung. The most important of all these celebrations will be held at Marietta on the 7th of April, 1838, just one hundred years from the first settlement of the territory at that place. Michigan has been invited to participate with its sister states in this celebration. A monument will be erected in honor of the occasion, and I trust that our state, ever foremost in good works, in enterprise and in energy, will devise some method to raise means in aid of the erection of this monument. The Pioneer Society, representing the early settlers, will doubtless give consideration to this

important subject. The legislature has authorized the governor to appoint a commission of five to represent the state on the occasion of the celebration. It must be a labor of love and of devotion, because no compensation is provided for the delegates, but I doubt not that patriotic, generous men will be found who will do honor to our state in this gathering of the children of the ordinance of 1787.

THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.

ADDRESS OF HON. DANIEL P. MARKEY, SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTA

TIVES.

Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen:

Sometime since I was requested to address you at this time for a few minutes upon a subject of great interest to all Americans, and one which must from its very nature always remain of vital importance to us as a nation: "The Constitution of the United States."

Your secretary very kindly informed me that I would not need to occupy more than ten minutes with this subject. And in that time, while I will probably be able to tell you all I know about it, you will understand that the subject can only be superficially spoken of. The subject is one that I shall be able to say nothing new upon, and can hardly expect to say anything of interest to you.

One hundred years ago the 17th day of September next, the convention which met at Philadelphia, May 14, 1787, for the purpose of revising the federal system of government, completed its work and submitted to the people of the thirteen original states, as the result of their labors, The Constitution of the United States," the most sublime instrument among the political achievements of mankind. And this being the centennial anniversary of this memorable epoch, it is certainly not out of place to spend some time in a review of the causes which led to the calling of that convention, to the work of the convention, and the subsequent proceedings by which the constitution it prepared became the bond of union between the states, as well as the organic law of the greatest nation yet fashioned by the hand of man.

Prior to July 4, 1776, none of the colonies were or pretended to be sovereign states as that term is now understood in its broadest sense. Their powers and authorities were derived from and limited by their respective charters, and while under these charters they exercised, within a limited extent, certain usual attributes of sovereignty; so far as respects foreign nations, or each other, they were mere dependencies of Great Britain. Up to this time, while the colonies had met, by their representatives, in council and congress, the most solemn declarations of these bodies admitted them bound as British subjects to allegiance to the British Crown, and as such they claimed to be entitled to all the rights, liberties and immunities of free born British subjects. But on this ever memorable day their general congress boldly and deliberately declared that these united colonies are and of right ought to be free and independent states," and that all further allegiance to the British Crown is and ought to be totally dissolved. This was not an act done by any of the state governments then organized, nor by persons chosen by them, but it was purely the act of the whole people of the united colonies, by the instru mentality of their representatives, chosen for that, among other purposes. It was an act of original inherent sovereignty by the people themselves, resulting from their right to change the form of government, and to institute a new government whenever necessary for their safety and happiness; and as such the Declaration of Independence has ever been treated, not only as a practical fact, but as a legal and constitutional matter by the courts.

It will be remembered that although the Declaration of Independence was not agreed to and signed until July 4, the resolutions respecting independency were moved and seconded on June 7, and that on the 10th of June the committee, consisting of Mr. Jefferson, Mr. John Adams, Mr. Franklin, Mr. Sherman and Mr. Livingston was appointed to prepare the declaration. Anticipating the report of this committée and the final action of congress upon the resolutions, on the next day, June 11, a resolution was adopted to appoint a committee, to consist of one member from each colony, to prepare and digest the form of a confederation to be entered into between the colonies.

The report of this committee, embodying what is now known as the "Articles of Confederation," was not adopted until November 15, 1777, more than 17 months after the committee was appointed. At the same time it was ordered that the articles of confederation agreed upon should be submitted to the legislatures of all the United States for their consideration, and if approved by them they were requested to authorize their delegates in congress to ratify the same, which being done, the same should become conclusive. During the year 1778, all of the states approved of the articles of confederation. Delaware approved of them May 5, 1779, and Maryland, the