glory, which is the glory of Colombia. Dispose of the office of President, which I respectfully resign into your hands. From this day I am no more than a citizen, armed to defend my country and ready to obey its laws. Discontinue my public employments forever. I make to you a formal and solemn delivery of the supreme authority which the national suffrages have conferred upon me.'

Besides the message of the Liberator, there was presented to Congress by his order, an exposition relating to the different branches of administration, and the political circumstances of the Republic.

This document, signed by the President of the council, 25th of January, 1830, after pointing out the evils which had afflicted the republic, contains the following extraordinary expressions.

During the last four years there have been discussions more or less warm, more or less impartial, upon the form of government suited to Colombians, and in the multitude of writings, the opinions of almost all the citizens have been expressed.

6 All without exception have manifested their desire for the establishment of a government, which shall be the firmest foundation of liberty, which shall secure individual rights, and preserve sacred the inviolability of property of every kind. In regard to the executive power alone, there are differences of opinions. Some desire a Supreme Magistrate for life, others an Hereditary Monarch,

but the greater part prefer an elective and temporal Chief Magistrate.'

It may be necessary with a view to a full and complete understanding of the important events of this year, to explain the character of the Congress to which this message was addressed. The elections were undoubtedly free and regular. The different parties exerted themselves as customary in contested elections, in favor of their respective candidates; and the contest terminated in the choice of a large majority of ancient and well tried patriots, and among the most illustrious in Colombia. Among the deputies at large, Bolivar had unquestionably a majority, embracing therein a portion of those, who were in favor of a republican system of government, and who were unwilling to believe the Liberator other than friendly to the system, which they themselves were pledged to support. The conduct of Bolivar at this moment, when the mere expression of his opinions in favor of a republic, would have prostrated the hopes of the agitators and gone far to have reconciled the feuds existing throughout the country, was vacillating and temporizing. He refused to continue in office, but declined the expression of his opinion as to the form of Constitution they should adopt. It is certain, had it been his wish, Bolivar might have been elected President, but the deference of that portion of his friends, who were attached to a liberal form of government and who held the balance of power, would carry them

no further, and as he persisted in his refusal to serve, they waited on another candidate. Meanwhile the long smothered flame burst forth, and Venezuela, with Paez at her head, declared herself independent of the Central Government at Bogota.

We will here briefly trace the causes which led to this result.

From the year 1821, when the Constitution of Colombia was first proclaimed, the municipality of Caraccas on taking the oath observed, that that portion of the republic had not been properly represented in the formation of that compact, and repeated manifestations of discontent were subsequently evinced by the inhabitants of Venezuela towards the government at Bogota, whieh excited fears, that they would think of separating from the rest of the republic. In 1826, as we have before remarked in a previous volume of this work, a revolution broke out proclaiming the federal form of government, and although the Liberator was able at that time to repress it, the fire of discord still burnt unnoticed. In the department of the South, and particularly in Quito (capital of the department of the Equator) they took the oath of allegiance to the Constitution in 1822, after having freed themselves from the Spanish sway, but expressed their unwillingness to be dependent on a Central Government resident at Bogota.

From the first, they constantly insisted, that the Constitution had been formed without their concurrence, being at the time of its promulgation under the yoke of Spain.

The Constitution was indeed obeyed, but a jealous distrust of the government at Bogota, was evinced even in the act of rendering it obedience.

This jealousy, like that which exists in our own country, was excited and fostered as well by local parties as by the peculiar situation of the country.

The two great branches of human industry, Manufactures and Agriculture, were brought into direct collision. While the departments of the North were engaged in agricultural pursuits, the labor and wealth of the South were entirely devoted to manufactures.

Instead of mutual assistance and support, dependent as they are upon each other, the same petty jealousies, that have elsewhere been exhibited between these important branches of domestic industry prevailed there to the fullest extent, and seemed to widen the breach, which was already almost beyond repair.

The plan of the Bolivian confederation reanimated the projects of the South and of Venezuela in favor of the federal system, and was the immediate cause of the overthrow of the Constitution.

The following letter, written by General Bolivar to General Herez, who was then living at Lima as a member of the Council of State, having received his appointment as such from the Liberator, served to encourage the hopes of the dissentients.

Dec. 4, 1826.

During the eight days that I have remained in Bogota, I have been solely engaged in enforcing

force should be employed to compel a submission to the central government, or conciliating measures adopted. Bolivar proposed to Congress on the 27th of January, 1830, to go personally to treat with Paez, on the boundary line of Venezuela, in order to bring him over to the union; and to make his efforts of more avail, he recommended that Congress should by direct vote authorize him to undertake the mission. After a long debate, it was resolved, to send to Venezuela commissioners authorized to treat with Paez, and instructed to present to him and the towns under his control, the basis of the Constitution framed for Colombia, according to which, the Government was to be republican, popular, representative, elective, alternative and responsible. General Antonio Jose de Sucre, Jose Maria Estenes, Bishop of Santa Marta, and Francesco Aranda, members of the same Congress, were named for this commission of peace, and it was believed, that Venezuela on understanding the basis of the new Constitution, would desist from the undertaking of separating herself from the republic and the formation of an independent State.

central form of government. It was feared even before its adoption, that the Constitution would be shipwrecked on one of two shoals, either that it would be necessary to sustain it by force, in order to insure its adoption by Venezuela, and expose the country to the horrors of civil war, or that it would fall through from the separation of Venezuela and the consequent want of the consent of all the States, necessary to its adoption.

In the meantime the battalion of Boyaca raised the cry of liberty, disowned the authority of the liberator, and being unable to sustain itself against the forces in Magdalena, set out for Maracaibo and put itself under the command of the new government of Venezuela. Congress meanwhile proceeded in the discussion of the project of a Constitution, recognising the

The Government then existing at Bogota, sent a division under the command of General O'Leary to the dividing line of Venezuela and New Grenada to prevent the progress of the revolution in that part of Colombia which encamped in Pampluna, while the government of Venezuela, fearing an at tack, on their part sent another column to the frontier of New Grenada under the command of General Santiago Marino which took up its quarters in Gaudalito. On all sides, the dread of a civil war prevailed, the prospect of which was rendered the more terrible from the fact, that the departments of the South were inclined to follow the example of Venezuela and to constitute themselves into independent States.

A confederation was proposed by some as a means of harmonizing local pretensions and preserving the national integrity, but men of influence in Bogota opposed it and Congress rejected the mea sures considering themselves as sembled in conformity with the fundamental law, constituting New Grenada and Venezuela into a central republic, and as therefore

invested with no other power than that of remodelling the Constitution upon the basis of a central Government.

A project was then proposed by some of the deputies, of district assemblies of the departments, with the power of deliberating in all municipal matters and of proposing to the executive the Prefects of their respective departments: which project was adopted and incorporated into the Consti

tution.

But the agitation was great on all sides, and Venezuela still remained unmoved. New proofs of the inflexible resolution to separate daily arrived at Bogota, and in nearly all the acts of its government and in the public papers, was manifested an inveterate aversion to Bolivar, who they supposed, was to obtain the command of the republic.

Among the population of New Grenada itself, there was evinced much sympathy with the Venezuelians, and a repugnance to the employment of force to compel a submission to the central government, and petitions were presented in March to Congress from nearly all the towns of the provinces Papayan, Pasto, Buoniaventuera, Choco, Neiva and Pampluna, praying that war might not be declared against Venezuela and that the Federal system or confederative form of government might be adopted to preserve the integrity of Colombia.

In the province of, another revolution broke out on the 4th of April, disowning the general government and placing itself under the protection of Venezuela.

About the middle of April the division under the command of

General Marino approached the Tachura (the river which separates the territories of New Grenada and Venezuela) and on the 21st of April the inhabitants of Cucuta proclaimed themselves independent of the central government, disavowed the authority of Bolivar, declared themselves infav or of the federal system, and asked the protection of Marino against the body of troops then in Pampluna.

This revolution occurred before the eyes of the Commissioners on the part of the Congress, who were then in Cucuta, having been prohibited by an order from Paez, from entering the territories of Venezuela.

On the part of Venezuela, Marino, Ignacio Fernandez Peira and M. Tobar were named as commissioners for the purpose of meeting the commissioners from Congress.

They met in San Jose de Cucuta on the line of the Tachura, on the 18th of April, and according to the protocol of the conference published in the Gazette of Colombia, the official paper signed as the only result of their meeting, the following propositions were presented by the commissioners on the part of Venezuela.

1. That it be permitted to New Grenada and the departments of the South to constitute themselves freely and independently as Venezuela had done.

2. That Congress decide on the proper means to promote the foreign relations of the country and to preserve the public credit, until the representatives of the different States should agree upon the understanding to be established among them for the future.