due study and research; but the fact that the Tuscaroras lived in another section of the country, were of Iroquoian stock, spoke their language, and that their name, according to Mr, Beauchamp, should be translated as "the shirtwearing people," or, as they term themselves, Skau-ro-na, "wearing a shirt,' entirely prohibits this hypothesis of Mr. Beauchamp. Not only for the reasons given, but the additional one that the name Kuskarawaoke is absolutely pure Algonquian, as its analysis proves. The Kuskarawaokes were one of the tribes who were found located, in 1608, on the eastern shore of the Chesapeake bay, consequently were not a southern tribe from Smith's point of view, although they were from the an Iroquoian standpoint. In Smith's relation of their discovery* he says: "Repairing our sailes with our shirts we set saile for the maine, and fell in with a pretty convenient river on the east called Cuscarawaok. Here doth inhabite the people of Sarapinagh, Nause, Arseck, and Nantaquak, the best marchants of all other savages." He also tells us of the river of Kuscarawaok, upon which he found seated a people with 200 men. On his map he locates a king's town called there Cuskarawaok, on a river abbreviated to "Kus flu." While the surrounding country is marked as being under the dominion of this king, thus intimating that the term applied to all the tribes on the river, Smith's statement that there were only 200 men here would make on a very liberal estimate a total population of five hundred souls. As he mentions only four villages, and Sarapinagh, being the first mentioned and possibly the largest, was probably the real name of the one marked on the map as Kuskarawaok, and in Sarapinagh we find a duplicate of the Long Island, New York, Sagaponack, "a hard, ground-nut place," the stream, no doubt, is the one now known as the Nanticoke river. In the opinion of the best authorities, Bozman,† Dr Brinton, and Mr. Mooney, it is considered that the tribe afterward known as the Nanticokes-who took their name originally from the village that Smith calls Nantaquak, "a point of land on a tidal stream"-included the descendants of all those river Indians who had survived the inroads of the Massawomeks, the Sasquesahanoughs, and other predatory tribes. Smith imparts some facts in connection with this people which seem to have been entirely overlooked by all who have written upon the subject of the shell-money of the aborigines. It is remarkable that Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull did not recognize its bearing and quote it among his many notes on wampum. The only inference to be drawn from his neglect is that it must have remained unseen, although no one has been more thorough and painstaking in this line of etymological research than he. Prof. William H. Holmes, in his splendid memoir, “Art in Shell of the Ancient Americans,"* by far the best essay ever written on this theme, has also overlooked this passage. These omissions have been partially due to the scarcity and inaccessibility of the various editions of Smith's works, now made easy of access to all scholars by the editing and publishing of every English edition of Smith's time, in one volume, by Prof. Edward Arber, of Birmingham, England. The truths given to us by Smith are highly interesting and instructive, and *Smith's Works, Arber, pp. 414, 415. * * * not only bring up problems of Indian trade and traffic, but throw considerable light on what hitherto have been disputed points, as follows: "The cause of this discovery was to search [for] this mine, also to search what furs, the best whereof is at Cuscarawaoke, where is made so much Rawranoke or white beads, that occasion as much dissention among savages as gold and silver amongst Christians." The furs were not a product of the immediate locality, but were evidently brought from afar by other Indians in exchange for the white beads that were manufactured there. Thus it will be seen that the Kuskarawaokes were busy workers in the hive of industry, and that their handiwork was eagerly sought after by far-distant tribes, making them "the best marchants of all other savages." With this evidence from our authority the name resolves itself into the constituent parts of Cusca-rawran-oke. This resolution being made, it will be observed that it derives its name from the same combination of circumstances that gave Roanoke island its appellation twenty-three years previous, or now over three centuries ago. The prefix kusk-, kusc-, or cusc-, with the verbal formative a, as we find it varied by Smith, denotes the action of making or doing, as he translates it. Therefore it is the dialectic parallel of the Lenape objective-intensive root, gisch or kich, denoting successful action, of which Dr. Brinton quotes numerour examples.* For instance, gisch-ihan, "to create with the hands, to make something;" gisch-ikhkn, "to finish a house:" gisch-enachk, "the fence is finished." It is also related to the Massachusetts kezhik, "to make;" keste-oog, "they make." Dr. Brinton remarks: "Numerous other derivations could be added. Howse considers it identical with the root kitch, great, large. This would greatly increase its derivations. They certainly appear allied. In Cree, Lacombe gives kitchi, great; and kije, finished, perfect, both being applied to divinity." Dr. Trumbull, in his notes to késuck, Delaware, gischuch, sun, moon, heavens (compare keskowghs, sunnes, J. Smith's Vocab.), says: "This word is related to the animate verb kezheau, he gives life to,' makes alive (and by which Eliot translates the verb 'creates') signifies, primarily, the sun, as the source of light and heat; (2) the visible heavens, coelum; (3) the space of a day, one sun,' while Dr. Brinton suggests that the idea appears to be the beginning of a period of time, with the collateral notion of prosperous activity'," thus agreeing with Dr. Trumbull partly. The second component, Rawranoke (Smith), "white beads,” Rarenaw (Strachey), "cheyne" [of white beads] Roanode of Hariot, and Roenoke of the later historians. To my knowledge Dr. Trumbull has never proposed an etymology for the word Roanoke, although referring to it as being the southern term for wampum, the shell-money of the north. In this statement he has simply followed the earlier writers, Beverly, Lawson, Byrd, and others. I may be considered *Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Smith's Works, Arber, p. 418. *Lenape and their Legends, pp. 102, 103. Lenape-English Dict., Brinton. #Grammar of the Cree, p. 175. $Lenape and their Legends, pp. 103, 104. Nan. Club, Rep. of R. Williams' Key, p. 104. overconfident in suggesting, providing Dr. Trumbull failed to discover it, which seems to be evident, but yet its true synthesis can be given, as I hope to demonstrate satisfactorily to those who are interested in this branch of anthropology. In many Indian geographical names occurring on Long Island, N. Y, the early settlers, both English and Dutch, as I have previously shown,* frequently, as recorded in various documents, and some retained to this day, made use of the sound rau for wau, ron for won, run for wun, rin for win, etc., the retention or use of this sound in many instances being error of the ear (otosis, as has been termed), a mishearing or misapprehension of the sounds uttered according to Dr. Trumbull. In other cases the retention was due to ease of utterance, for getting rid of harsh sounds and making the word more euphonious to the ear. In the Narragansett language Roger Williams used wau as a contraction for womp, "white," † as in wau-ompeg, "white strung beads," -ompeg being a generic suffix to denote a string of shell-money. Therefore Smith's raw, Strachey's rar, Hariot's ro, being the varying prefix of the same word and translated by Smith as "white," is necessarily identical with Roger Williams' waw. In the same languge he gives us anausuck, "shells," which also appears in the compound word suckau-anau-suck, "the black or dark-colored shells," the terminal -suck (= Eliot's -sog or -suog) being added to denote the animate plural, leaving the verbal radical anaw or anau (= Massachusetts (Cotton) anna, "a shell," corresponding to -anaw or -enaw of Smith and Strachey), thus making rarenaw the equivalent of the Narragansett wau-anaw, "white shell;" hence by metonymy used to denote "beads," because primarily small shells were simply perforated and strung, or, as Beverly wrote: "Some is made of cockel shell broken into small bits, with rough edges, drilled through in same manner as beads, and this they call Roenoke and use it as peak."‡ In the third component, which is the terminal affix -oke (Smith), -oc (Hariot) is found the locative generic for "place" or "country" resulting in the synthesis of Kusca-wau-anau-ock, “a place of making white beads," or with Smith, "where is made so much white beads;" in Ro-ano-ac, “a white shell place." For similar reasons Long Island, New York, was termed Meitowar-Mehtanaw-ack, "the land of the periwinkle" or "the country of the ear shell," and also Seawan-hacky, "the seawan country," because the first (Pyrula canaliculata and Pyrula carica) were found in great abundance, as they are to-day, and that seawan, "loose beads," were manufactured there. If I should, with Howse and Dr. Brinton, consider the Deleware root gisch, Powhatan kesk, as being identical or allied with the root kitch, Massachusetts kishki or kutchi, "principal," "great," "large," "preeminent," used as a prefix to many Indian place-names throughout New England and occurring in Kiskiack, a King's town on Smith's map, it would not alter the meaning to any appreciable extent, for then the name would be translated as "the principal place of white beads," the idea of making being collateral; all of which is respectfully submitted to those interested in the study of Indian nomenclature and the early history of the Indian tribes of the Atlantic seaboard. -From The American Anthropologist for October, 1893. * Indian names in Brooklyn, Brooklyn Eagle Almanac, 1893. ↑ Nan. Club Rep. of R. Williams' Key, p. 176. + Beverly, Hist. Virginia. MEDICINE ARROWS OF THE OREGON INDIANS. [FROM JOURNAL OF AMERICAN FOLK-LORE.] There are two kinds of the quaint and remarkable curing implements made by the Klamath Lake (É-ukshikni) and the Modoc (Mo'atokni) Indians of southwestern Oregon, and both, though of different operative faculties, are intended to supplement each other. The hänä'sish or hä'näs are always made in pairs; the tchúpash are used single only. A. The hänä'sish have the appearance of all the other painted and feathered arrows, but not being armed with tips of iron, glass, or stone, they come under the category of arrows of play, táldshi. They are from two to three feet long, consist of various wood-material, and are intended only for curing or treating patients. The spirit of the medicine tools, múluasham sko'ks, has to call for them through the conjurer, ki'uks, and the conjurer then sticks them into the ground, one on each side of the sufferer's couch. The office of the arrows is to keep the person's soul there, to scare away the disease, or to pin it down and kill it, and therefore they are given the shape of a weapon. When one or more pairs of the hänä'sish are seen sticking around a patient's bed, the public may rest assured that the conjurer has very strong hopes of restoring the person to health. When the arrows are handled in the correct manner, the patient will recover within a short time; but pulling them up before he or she is entirely well would kill the sufferer, or make him as sick as he was before. Any kind of songs can be sung to them while they stand there for days; either the song of the spider, lightning, cloud, or wind, for instance. The utüssusá-ash song-medicine, which is of help against all distempers, sometimes calls for these arrows. This is a spirit well known in Oregonian mythology on account of its clownish and burlesque acts, and appears to form a parallel to the Yenadizze of Longfellow's "Hiawatha." The hänä sish arrow species is known to the California Indians also, for the Pit River language calls it lashtcha'ka. A pair of the hänä'sish were sent for exhibition to the World's Fair in March, 1893. B. The tchúpash is another feathered medicine-arrow in use among the same tribes. It is commonly longer than the hana'sish, sometimes up to three feet. cigar-shaped, tapering off at both ends, and provided with fliers. The use of a pair of hana/sish-arrows demands the simultaneous use of one tchúpash-arrow; its purpose is to improve the medical power of the conjurer by calling up other defunct animal spirits to assist him in becoming a “strong doctor." Its employment prescribes a dance lasting five days and five nights. The tchúpash, being a weapon also, catches the disease of the patient and brings it to a deep earth-pit, called shlokopash, where it is fastened and de stroyed. These wide "medicine-pits" were formerly the dwelling-places of the conjurers, or medicine-men. ALBERT S. 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Taking into con- It may perhaps be interesting to sideration our means, which are cer- many of our readers to know who are tainly limited, we should not be con- members of this famous bureau. sidered egotistical, when it is stated They are Major J. W. Powell, who, as that before you has been placed a mag- above stated, is the director; Prof. azine, which has commanded kind no- Cyrus Thomas, Mr. Gerard Fowke, tices from learned archæologists, who Mr. H. L. Reynolds, Mr. J. D. Middlehave proved their utterances by not ton, Mr. J. C. Pilling, Mr. Frank alone becoming subscribers but also by H. Cushing, Mr. William. H. Holmes, contributing valuable papers. To Messrs. Victor and Cosmos Minderleff, these patrons we are indeed thankful, Mr. E. W. Nelson, Mr. Lucien M. and hope in the future they will still Turner, Mr. Henry W. Henshaw, Col. extend toward us the same benevolent Garrick Mallory. Mr. James Mooney, feeling. We promise that Volume II Mr. John N. B. Hewitt, Mr. Albert S. shall be made still more interesting. Gatschet, Mr. J. Owen Dorsey, Dr. |