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similar reasons, and none other, protested against his appointment. This act was wholly unworthy of Mr. King, who during a long course of public life, on all other occasions, conducted with great dignity; and although we might believe his political opinions erroneous, yet we esteemed and venerated the individual as an high minded and honorable man. He had been a national and not a state politician, and his initiation into the mysteries of Albany politics during the convention, the autumn preceeding, must have produced this ill advised act-an act which, I have no doubt, he shortly afterwards regretted.

The question which, among politicians, absorbed all others, and indeed engrossed the attention of the NewYork public in general, was, who should be the next governor? The government, under the new form, was to be put in operation by the executive and legislative authorities, who were to be chosen in November, 1822. All the civil offices would then become vacant, including the high offices of chancellor and judges of the supreme court, which had heretofore been untangible by the appointing power, and all the great state offices. All these offices were, if I may so express myself, to be thrown together in one mass, at the capitol, and the man who should be elected governor, was to distribute the greater part of them, and bestow them on such persons as he should beJieve most worthy, or were most agreeable to him. No wonder then that deep and intense anxiety should have pervaded the minds of all in respect to his selection.

From the result of the election of members of assembly, in 1821, and of delegates to the convention, in June of that year, and also from the general tone of public sentiment every where expressed, it was most evident that the candidate, who should be nominated by the democratic party, would be elected. All the intelligent friends of Mr. Clinton were convinced of this, and unreservedly

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