For do. at Middletown, in Connecticut, four thousand eight hundred dollars. For completing the custom house at New Loudon, (Conn.) four thousand dollars. For the purchase of custom house ground at Key West, four thousand dollars. By a clause in the general appropriation act, the priviledge of franking letters is given to members of congress from 60 days before each member takes his seat, or ought to take his seat,] to the end of the term for which he is elected, and to the meeting of the congress following. U. S. BANK STOCK. Upwards of 600 shares were sold at New York on Saturday last, at 105 a 1054. On the 4th of March, it had advanced to 109. "COMBINATIONS!" By turning to the 32d vol. of the REGISTER, page 114, it will be seen that certain letters from Mr. Floyd, (now governor of Virginia), were read in the house of delegates of that state, in which he said that, "combinations [not coalitions!] for effecting the election of general Jackson were nearly complete, and that he wished to remain in congress until they were complete." Mr. F. had been the friend of Mr. Crawford. The following shews "how the land lies" at present: A letter to the editors of the National Intelligencer, from a correspondent at Richmond, under date of 24th ult. says: highly injurious to the fair and legitimate claims of Maryland; TREASURY DEPARTMENT, comptroller's office, Feb. 16, 1833.-- The credits for the duties, however, are to commence to run (Signed) "I gave you an item of intelligence which possibly you may not receive from any other quarter; one going fully to demon TREASURY DEPARTMENT, March 6th, 1833. Congress having strate, I think, the low ebb of nullification in the capital of this state. The governor of Virginia, I understand, had at some trouble and expense, caused a superb state flag to be prepared by an act passed on the 2d inst authorised the secretary of the and painted, with the intention of having it hoisted at the quar- treasury, to "lend on interest the instalments under the treaty ters of the state guard, on Friday morning last, the 22d instant. of indemnity concluded at Paris on the fourth of July, one Knowledge of its existence, and of his intention, somehow or thousand eight hundred and thirty-one, between the United other, was obtained on Thursday the 21st, and a good deal of States of America, and his majesty, the king of the French, excitement manifested itself among the representatives and the upon a pledge of the stock of the United States, or of the bank people. Either dissuaded by his party friends, or prompted by of the United States, or to the bank of the United States, subhis own fears of the consequences that would issue from dis-ject nevertheless to be repaid to the public treasury, whenever playing the flag, his excellency determined to let it remain snug the commissioners appointed under the said treaty shall, by their in the painter's shop; and fortunate it was that he did so-for award, direct to whom the said fund with the accumulated interhad the banner been unfurled to the breeze, and exposed to est, shall be distributed: public gaze, it would unquestionably have been torn down and prostrated by the people, and in all probability with some bloodshed. Scarce a voice was heard in favor of raising it and numbers were heard to express their determination, to rally under the star-spangled banner of the union. It was supposed by some, that had the state flag been hoisted on the day, the flag of the union would not have been, at least by order of the commanding chief. As it was, the union flag, fixed on a pole, was poked out of a hole in the southern end of the capitol loft, and in this half erect and awkward situation, flapping on the end of the ridge of the building, and repeatedly hooked on the point of one of the lightning rods, it was torn in many places, and pieces thereof were flying in every direction over the heads of the military and citizens assembled on the public square." LOTTERIES. A "dead set" is making at the lottery system in several of the states, and we think that it will not be permitted to endure much longer. NAVAL. The U. S. sloop of war Vincennes, at Portsmouth, N. H. is said to be fitting for sea with all possible expedition, and the Boston, Erie and frigate Constitution, at the navy yard, Charlestown, are ordered to be put in readiness for sea. last: In pursuance thereof, NOTICE is now given, That proposals will be received from the bank of the United States or other incorporated institutions, or from individuals, until the 20th inst. If from the bank of the United States, for borrowing the same. without any pledge of stock, and if from others upon a pledge equal to the sum borrowed, for the entire net proceeds of the of stock of the bank of the United States at par, to an amount first instalment under the said treaty, amounting to $961,240 30, Louis MCLANE, Secretary of the Treasury. or for any part thereof, not less than $100,000, to be repaid agreeably to the provisions of the said act. THE INDIANS. The article which we copied into the last REGISTER, page 2, as to the defeat of and capture of a company of U. S. rangers, by the Camansha Indians, is set down as an The "Galenian" of Jan. 23, says-We learn that the statearrant falsehood, imposed on the editor of the Louisville Journal. ment in the last Galenian, of an attack by the Sac and Fox Indians on the Menominees and Winnebagoes, was erroneous. The Winnebagoes got into a drunken frolic, and had a riot among themselves, in which two or three lives were lost, which gave rise to the whole report. ORDER IN THE GALLERIES. Upon two or three recent ochave evinced their approbation of remarks made, by applauding. casions the spectators in the lobbies and galleries of the senate We hope never to see this allowed in the presence of legislative the president of the senate has determined, upon every such or judicial bodies in this country; and we are glad to find that [Alex. Gaz. mitted, we shall next have hissing, and finally tumult and confusion. The rule of perfect silence on the part of the audience ought hereafter to be most rigidly enforced. BALTIMORE AND WASHINGTON. The following highly interesting article is from the Maryland Republican of Saturday The supplement to the bill authorising the Baltimore and Ohio rail road company, to construct a rail road to the city of Washington, passed the house of delegates on Wednesday, by a vote of 55 to 15, and will no doubt pass the senate-as it is in accord-violation of order, to clear the galleries. If applause is once perance with the propositions of the rail road company, there is no doubt of the project progressing without delay-and we may look for its accomplishment at an early period. The state subCASE OF TOBIAS WATKINS. From the National Intelligencer scribes one third of the capital, and books are to be opened for individual subscriptions for the balance. The rail road comcourt being divided on the application for a habeas corpus in pany are authorised to take what stock may not be subscribed of March 2. The chief justice announced yesterday, that the within thirty days after the opening of the books, and may borrow funds to a certain amount on the faith of the state, the pay- the case ex-parte Watkins, the motion was, therefore, refused. We learn, howment of the principal and interest of which funds is secured by a The point or points upon which the difference of opinion ocpledge of the rail road itself. The maximum price for transport-curred were not intimated from the bench, so that we do not ing passengers is fixed at $2 50, one fifth of which is to be paid know what further is to be done in the case. into the state treasury, as a bonus for the charter. This will ever, that it is probable that some further steps will be taken in probably produce a revenue to the state, derived, too, principal the case by the counsel of Dr. Watkins. ly from "birds of passage," of forty or fifty thousand dollars per annum; and increasing as the travel on that great thoroughfare, between the north and south, shall increase. PUBLIC LANDS. The following resolution was passed by the house of delegates of the state of Maryland, on the 21st ult. by a vote of 48 to 23, after several attempts to ainend it. Be it resolved, by the general assembly of Maryland, That the recommendation by the president of the United States in his last annual message to congress, to cede the public lands to the NEW JERSEY. Chas. P. Seeley, president of the council, has been elected governor of New Jersey, for the remainder of the year, in place of Mr. Southard, elected a senator of the United States; and John Moore White has been elected attorney gene as governor, and G. D. Wall as attorney general. ral of the state. The Jackson party voted for C. L. Hardenburg PENNSYLVANIA. An act has passed the legislature of this state for the entire abolition of lotteries after the 31st December next. VIRGINIA. A bill has passed the Virginia bouse of delegates, appropriating 18,000 annually, for five years, for the purpose of colonising in Africa, the free people of color in that state. best which the whole moral force of the united south could SOUTH CAROLINA. Mr. John C. West, who was recently elected sheriff, in Kershaw district, South Carolina, has been required by governor Hayne to take the nullification test oath before any of his acts will be considered "legal." He refused to do it, and has published an address to his constituents giving his reasons for refusal at length. He assigns, among other constitutional and conscientious objections, that he cannot swear "to enforce laws which an irresponsible association has the power to suspend at pleasure," meaning, we presume, the nullification club in Charleston. Mr. West will doubtless be suceeding 20 per cent.) shall be laid for the purpose of raising such perseded, and be again a candidate, and the Camden Journal promises that he will be sustained by a triumphant majority in the district. This process may be repeated perpetually, and a legal proceedings be thus arrested in the district by the peaceful action of the unionists in their elective character. "Thus," says the Charleston City Gazette, it will be seen that the reign of proscription has begun in good earnest." And the Courier says that Mr. West's example will be followed by the union party throughout the state. It is believed (says the Augusta Courier,) that not less than 20,000 of the citizens of South Carolina of all kinds, have passed through this city on their way to the west. In consequence, the roads to Alabama are very bad, and provisions scarce and high in price. A letter from a gentleman who recently moved to that state says he has to pay two dollars per bushel for corn, from the number of persons who have removed to that part of the country within the last three months. MR. GWYNN. It is stated that the senate has, for the third time, rejected the nomination of Samuel Gwynn, as receiver of public monies in one of the land offices in Mississippi. The like, we suppose, never happened before. JAMAICA. We have received by the Orbit, a file of the Ja maica Courant to the 4th inst. It appears by these papers, that the opposition to the government, and the administration of Lord Mulgrave, was on the increase. Some riots had taken place. The Courant says: revenue as may be necessary to an economical administration of the government." How stand the hope and the pledge together? Does Mr. Clay mean to tantalise the manufacturers with the hope of "more favorable times for the renewal of a more efficient tariff-or, does he mean to say, that notwithstanding the pledge in the bill, a more favorable time is to be seized upon for the renewal of a more efficient tariff? Mr. Clay disclaims any share in bringing the existing evils on the country! Why, has he not been one of the great champions of the American System?-and is it not this most oppressive system which has applied the "torch" to our political fabric? He now declares, "that when he saw the torch applied to a favorite system, he would rush to save it, and to restore security and peace." Why, this is nothing but right-for, well is it, that the incendiary should rush to extinguish the flames he has principally contributed to kindle. He declares, that he wishes to put the system on a permanent foundation for nine or ten years!!-and adds, that he is willing to test his bill "by the opinions of the mauufacturers themselves, a large number of whom are now assembled in Washington, and whose almost unanimous voice would be in favor of his bill." Well, if they are content, we can have no objection. But how foolishly would the south have acted, in submitting longer to a system, which the manufacturers can now afford to modify without a murmur? We doubt, however, whether Mr. Clay will find the manufacturers so quiet. Mr. Webster seems to think differently-but they may rely upon it, that their oppressive system is now gone-that no more favorable times will ever come for renewing a more efficient tariff--that Mr. Clay himself cannot bring it back-that the south has seen how grahave seen the error, and will hereafter repudiate every return to it, with a jealousy and a determination which nothing can subdue. The die is cast, if this bill passes-and this unnatural system, which is so much at war with the genius of the age, and the institutions of a free and a young country, will never be renewed after 1842, by all the Clays and the Calhouns in the We repeat our regret, that the conduct of Lord Mulgrave should have reduced himself and the colony to their present condition. The signs of the times are awful, and our only sal-dually and insidiously this system has grown upon us—that they vation is coolness-discretion, with determination; and, with these united, Jamaica must yet flourish. We learn, that for some weeks past, the towns and villages on the north side of the island have been placarded with such compliments to our esteemed governor, as-"down with Mulgrave" "independence to Jamaica"-"no sectarians"—"But success to the colonial union!!" [N. Y. Mer. Adv. APPOINTMENTS BY THE PRESIDENT-By and with the advice and consent of the senate. Levett Harris, of New Jersey, to be charge d'affaires of the United States to his majesty the king of the French. Peter V. Daniel, of Virginia, Wylly Sillman, of Ohio, and John R. Livingston, jr. of New York, to be commissioners under the treaty with Naples. Thomas Swann, jr. of the District of Columbia, to be secretary to the board of commissioners, and George Breathitt, of Kentucky, to be clerk under the same treaty. Joseph Villamil, late of Louisiana, to be consul of the United States at the port of Guayaquil. country. We shall be delighted to see it down-and though 9 or 10 years is pretty long for us to submit to it, yet we are willing to allow so much time to the manufacturers to accommodate themselves to the change-always reserving the right of cutting down the revenue to the most economical wants of the government. We hail the passage of the bill with satisfaction-as calculated to preserve the peace of the country. Mr. Clay bas been the most active man in bringing it about. It was what he owed to the country-and we are glad that he has paid the debt. But, depend upon it, Mr. Clay, that your hopes about the return of more favorable times, and the renewal of a more efficient tariff, will never be consummated with the consent of the south. And another thing! you will never succeed, as you hint, in con J. B. Ferrand, to be consul of the United States at Panama inverting the southrons into "high tariff men"-that hope is gone! the republic of New Grenada. Francis Thomassin, of South Carolina, to be consul of the United States at Baracoa, in the island of Cuba. Obed Folga, of New York, to be consul of the United States at Payta, in the republic of Peru. Henry Carleton, of Louisiana, to be attorney of the United States for the eastern district of Louisiana, in the place of John Slidell, whose commission has expired. Jonas L. Sibley, of Massachusetts, to be marshal of the United States for the district of Massachusetts, from the 3d of March, 1833, when the commission of Samuel D. Harris expired. Andrew J. Donelson, to be the secretary authorised under the act "prescribing the mode by which patents for public lands shall be signed and executed," approved March 2d, 1833. that source of joy is dried up. And another! the south have not "given up their constitutional objections"-and what is more, they never will-for, independently of their pecuniary interests, they regard the whole system as contrary to the genius of our institutions-as involving especially a jurisdiction over the rights and pursuits of the people, which was never, and never will be, yielded to a limited federal government. LETTER FROM GENERAL MERCER. Washington, D. C. March 4, 1833. Edgar Snowden, esq. editor of the Alexandria Gazelle: DEAR SIR: In the analysis, which lately appeared in your paper, of the vote of the house of representatives, on the bill modifying the tariff of July 1832, I appear to be the only member from Virginia opposed to that measure: and, as it was re Thomas McCrate, to be collector of the customs for the district, and inspector of the revenue for the port of Wiscasset, in the state of Maine, from the 11th of March, 1833, when his pre-garded, by a large majority of those who voted for it, as one of sent commission will expire. pacification, I avail myself of the channel of your paper, to state briefly, the grounds of my dissent to it, sustained, as it was, by many of my personal and political friends. Those grounds would have been publicly submitted to the house, of which I was a member, had I not regarded it as a duty to forbear to protract a debate which consumed up a very large portion of the late session of congress; and, at one time, threatened to render an extra session of that body necessary to the administration of the government. It is known to all my intimate friends, that, although I was not an original advocate of the protective system, beyond an adequate provision, in peace, of the means of defence in war, I consider the public faith as solemnly plighted, by the various tariff acts of congress, since the last war with Great Britain, to those citizens of the United States who have accepted the invitation of those laws, to place their capital and labor under the shield of the protective policy. The testimony of so many men, representatives of the eastern and middle states, in both houses of congress,-in whose knowledge of the condition of the manufactures of the country I had much confidence, as well on account of their integrity and ability, as of their better opportunity of information, derived from their place of abode, a great proportion of whom voted against the bill in question,-occasioned in my mind no little hesitation to give to it the sanction of my vote. The foreign policy adopted by our government soon after the formation of our present constitution, and very generally pursued by successive administrations, has been crowned with almost complete success, and has elevated our character among the nations of the earth. To do justice to all, and submit to wrong from none, has been, during my administration, its governing maxim; and so happy have been its results, that we are not only at peace with all the world, but have few causes of controversy, and those of minor importance, remaining unad justed. In the domestic policy of this government, there are two obBut an earnet desire to pacify the existing discontents, to thejects which especially deserve the attention of the people and south, if practicable, in a manner consistent with what is due their representatives, and which have been, and will contiuue to the authority of the laws, induced me to declare to the friends to be the subjects of my increasing solicitude. They are the around me, after the bill had come from the senate called the preservation of the rights of the several states, and the integrity "enforcing act," that, if it passed the house, I would yield my of the union. assent to a modification of the tariff: for which, bills were then under discussion in both houses. the nation. The order in which those bills should pass the senate, had been, in my judgment, very properly arranged; and that arrangement I regarded as of material consequence to the character of South Carolina had nullified a law of the United States, and threatened resistance to any attempt to enforce its execution. To yield to this threat, would be, in my opinion, a virtual renunciation of the sanction, not of this particular law only, but of the entire authority of congress. While an attitude of defiance was maintained by that state, I regarded any concession from the federal government, prior to a provision of the means and the expression of a determination to maintain, unimpaired, the authority of the union, as wholly derogatory to its character, and as eminently tending to endanger its future existence, by inviting similar resistance from other quarters, and a general and fatal distrust of its authority every where. It was by no means certain, at the moment at which the late tariff bill passed the house of representatives, that the "enfore ing act" might not be defeated, provided the former preceded it. Many causes led me to consider the passage of the "enforcing act," in such event, as doubtful. Among these, were the ad vanced period of the session, which must terminate in a few days, and the anxiety of many members to pass another very important act, called the "land bill." Accordingly, after the bill of conciliation had passed, there were more than 70 votes to lay the "enforcing act" on the table, with the avowed intent not again to consider it during the session. As both acts have now passed, I have only to make, in justice to myself, this explanation to my constituents. While I congratulate you and them, on the reasonable hope which those measures afford of the restoration of harmony to our union, without material injury to any class of citizens, I take this occasion to say, that I never, for one moment, considered its existence seriously endangered by the political move ments of South Carolina. That glorious bulwark, not of our own freedom inerely, but of the liberty of mankind, I regard as incapable of being subverted by the madness or folly of a single state. I am, dear sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, THE INAUGURATION. C. F. MERCER. At 12 o'clock, on Monday last, the president and vice president, elect, attended by the heads of departments, foreign ministers and their suits, the judges of the supreise court, the president of the senate, and senators, the speaker of the house of representatives, the members of the house of representatives, the marshal of the District and the mayor and corporate authorities of the city, and a vast concourse of citizens and strangers, entered the hall of representatives. The president took the seat of the speaker of the house with Mr. Van Buren on his left, and his private secretary, Mr. Donelson on his right. After a pause of a few minutes, the president rose and was greeted by the cheers of the large assembly present. He then proceeded in an audible and firin voice to pronounce his inaugural address, at the close of which, he was again grected with cheers and applause. The chief justice then approached the president and administered the usual oath, at the conclusion of which he was again cheered by the multitude. The oath was also administered to Mr. Van Buren. The president and vice president then retired amid the plaudits of the assembly. INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED Fellow citizens:-The will of the American people, expressed through their unsolicited suffrages, calls ne before you to pass through the solemnities preparatory to taking upon myself the duties of president of the United States, for another term. For their approbation of my public conduct, through a period which has not been without its difficulties, and for this renewed expression of their confidence in my good intentions, I am at a loss for terms adequate to the expression of my gratitude. It shall be displayed, to the extent of my humble abilities, in continued efforts so to administer the government, as to preserve their liberty and promote their happiness. So many events have occurred within the last four years, which have necessarily called forth, sometimes under circum stances the most delicate and painful, my views of the princi-ples and policy which ought to be pursued by the general government, that I need, on this occasion, but allude to a few leading considerations, connected with some of them. These great objects are necessarily connected, and can only within its appropriate sphere, in conformity with the public will be attained by an enlightened exercise of the powers of each constitutionally expressed. To this end, it becomes the duty of all to yield a ready and patriotic submission to the laws constitutionally enacted, and thereby promote and strengthen a proper confidence in those institutions of the several states and of the U. States which the people themselves have ordained for their own government. My experience in public concerns, and the observation of a life somewhat advanced, confirm the opinions long since imbibed by me, that the destruction of our state governments, or the annihilation of their control over the local concerns of the people, would lead directly to revolution and anarchy, and final fore, as the general government encroaches upon the rights of ly to despotism and military domination. In proportion, therethe states, in the same proportion does it impair its own power and detract from its ability to fulfil the purposes of its creation. Solemnly impressed with these considerations, my countrymen will ever find me ready to exercise my constitutional powers in arresting measures which may directly or indirectly encroach upon the rights of the states, or tend to consolidate all political power in the general government. But of equal, and indeed of incalculable importance is the union of these states, and the sacred duty of all to contribute to its preservation by a liberal support of the general government in the exercise of its just powers. You have been wisely admonished to "accustom yourselves to think and speak of the union as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity, watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety, discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned, and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of any attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts." Without union our independence and liberty would never have been vided into twenty-four, or even a smaller number of separate achieved-without union they never can be maintained. Dicommunities, we shall see our internal trade burdened with distant points and sections obstructed, or cut off; our sons made numberless restraints and exactions; communication between soldiers to deluge with blood the fields they now till in peace; the mass of our people borne down and impoverished by taxes to support armies and navies; and military leaders at the head of their victorious legions becoming our law-givers and judges The loss of liberty, of all good government, of peace, plenty, and happiness, must inevitably follow a dissolution of the union. In supporting it, therefore, we support all that is dear to the freeman and the philanthropist. The time at which I stand before you is full of interest. The eyes of all nations are fixed on our republic. The event of the existing crisis will be decisive in the opinion of mankind of the practicability of our federal system of government. Great is the stake placed in our hands: great is the responsibility which must rest upon the people of the United States. Let us realize the importance of the attitude in which we stand before the world. Let us exercise forbearance and firmness. Let us extricate our country from the dangers which surround it, and learn wisdom from the lessons they inculcate. Deeply impressed with the truth of these observations and under the obligation of that solemn oath which I am about to take, I shall continue to exert all my faculties to maintain the just powers of the constitution, and to transmit unimpaired to posterity the blessings of our federal union. At the same time, it will be my aim to inculcate, by my official acts, the necessity of exercising, by the general government, those powers only that are clearly delegated; to encourage simplicity and economy in the expenditures of the government; to raise no more money from the people than may be requisite for these objects, and in a manner that will best promote the interests of all classes of the community, and of all portions of the union. Constantly bearing in mind that, in entering into society, "individuals must give up a share of liberty to preserve the rest," it will be my desire so to discharge my duties as to foster, with our brethren in all parts of the country, a spirit of liberal concession and compromise; and, by reconciling our fellow citizens to those partial sacrifices which they must unavoidably make, for the preservation of a greater good, to recommend our invaluable government and union to the confidence and affections of the American people. Finally, it is my most fervent prayer, to that Almighty Being before whom I now stand, and who has kept us in his hands from the infancy of our republic to the present day, that he will so overrule all my intentions and actions, and inspire the hearts of my fellow citizens, that we may be preserved from dangers of all kinds, and continue forever a UNITED AND HAPPY PEOPLE. From the Globe of March 6. did not regard the bill as containing any plighted pledge; but as a measure adopted to meet a peculiar state of things. He believed that no attempt would be made to disturb the arrangement of this bill, and if it was, that it would be repelled with indignation. He further believed that as far as this bill is concerned, peace will be given to the land: but he must say, with Yesterday, the diplomatic representatives of the different fo- this body, and had just been returned with the sanction of the deep regret, that there is another bill which had originated in reign governments, waited upon the president to offer their con- other house, which would disturb that peace. It would not do gratulations on his re-election, and to assure him of the friendly it immediately, but it was a precedent of the most dangerous disposition of their own countries towards the United States. character. He believed that this bill was a repeal of the conThey were received and introduced to the president, by the stitution, and, "so help me God!" said he, "I would rather have seeretary of state, in the presence of the heads of departments, that instrument repealed on the face of it." He viewed it as a at one o'clock, and Mr. Serrurier, minister plenipotentiary of measure which must inevitably tend to consolidation. It would France, made the following address on their behalf: Mr. President: The diplomatic body accredited to the govern- by a long course of public opposition, which would never cease ment of this republic, hastens to offer to your excellency their until the bill shall be expunged with disgrace from the statute not be acquiesced in. It would be resented, not by force, but respectful felicitations on your second inauguration as president book. The verdict of congress was against South Carolina: but of the United States. They feel assured that this new and flat-there was an appeal which would lie to the people. The great tering proof of the confidence of your fellow citizens cannot republican party would again be rallied and re-united, as it was but greatly contribute to confirm those friendly relations which in 1798, and by its force this evil will be corrected, or else the already exist between this republic and the governments repre- liberties of this country are gone forever. He rejoiced that one sented at Washington-relations which your excellency so hap-subject of controversy was settled and put to rest, but he deeply pily preserved and extended during the four years of your first regretted that another should be opened which presented a difpresidency. ferent issue, and one of a most formidable character. I esteem it, Mr. President, at once a happiness and an honor to be, on an occasion so interesting, the interpreter of the sentiments which animate the diplomatic body towards you, person ally, and to offer to you, in their name, the sincere wishes which every one of them truly entertains for the increasing prosperity of this republic, for the firmness of its union, and especially, Mr. President, for every thing that can contribute to your own personal glory and happiness. and justification of the vote he should give. He admitted that when this bill was originally introduced, he had strong doubts Mr. Frelinghuysen then made some remarks in explanation doubtful, or even dangerous tendency. free enterchange of opinions, and of the knowledge which he as to its wisdom, deeming it to be a precedent which was of had acquired from the manufacturers of his own state, had been But the result of a the removal of all these doubts, and a conviction that this meaverted to the growing dissatisfaction in relation to the protective policy which prevailed in the south, and which rendered it nesure ought to pass as a peace offering to the south. He adcrease of that policy. He complimented his honorable friend from Kentucky, for the great effort he had now made to restore It has been a principal object with me, to cultivate that dispo- that gentleman might be assailed, and his motives misrepresentsition by the sinecrest desire to cherish kindly feelings, extended by the presses of the country, the time would soon arrive peace and harmony to the country, and stated that, however the advantages of commerce, promote the interchange of every when his course would be correctly understood, and properly discovery in arts and science in peace, and lessen by humane appreciated. In his correspondence with some of the manustipulations, the evils of war, when, unfortunately, that scourge facturers of his state, to whom he had applied for informaof the human race becomes inevitable. which this bill contained on its face, and the circumstance in which it was enacted, would be of far greater advantage to the tion, he had ascertained that the guarantee of its permanence manufacturers, than high duties, on the steadiness of which no reliance could be placed. He read an extract of a letter from one of these manufacturers to this effect; and then declared that he was satisfied that his course of duty was to give his vote for a bill which he was assured on the one hand, tisfactory to the manufacturers. He trusted that the effect of would tranquilise the south, and on the other, would be sathis compromise would be to induce gentlemen from the north and south to meet with kindlier feelings than they had exhibited for the last ten years. To this address the president made the following reply: It gives me great pleasure, gentlemen, to receive by the organ of the eldest and highly respected member of the diplomatic body, near the government of the United States, the congratu-cessary that something should be done to check the further inlations you are pleased to offer on my re-election, and, above all, the assurances for my country of the friendly disposition of those which you represent. Repeat these assurances, gentlemen, to the several governments you represent, as the invariable rule of my conduct towards them; and, for yourselves, accept the offer of the high respect and regard for you individually, with which your conduct during your residence here has inspired ine. —མ་。�་་“ SENATE. TWENTY-SECOND CONGRESS-SECOND SESSION. March 1. Mr. Grundy, from the select committee appointed to wait on the president and vice president elect, to apprise them of their election, reported that the committee had performed that duty, in regard to the vice president elect, and had received for answer, that he received this evidence of the coufidence of the people with gratitude, and would enter on the discharge of his duties with a determination to act so as to jusgify that confidence. The bill for modifying the duties on imports, as passed by the house of representatives, (in effect Mr. Clay's bill), being under consideration and on its passage Mr. Robbins spoke at some length, in opposition to the bill. He objected to the idea which seemed to pervade the bill, that the protective policy of the country was an evil; an evil to be deprecated, and only to be tolerated for a moment, to prevent a greater evil. This policy was now placed in the situation of a state criminal condemned to die, but allowed a short time to prepare himself for death, since die he must-his doom being fixed and irreversible. He took a view of the true character of the resources of the country, and the obligation which true policy imposed on us to cherish and protect them. With the correct path so distinctly marked before us, he expressed his great astonishment that congress should be unwilling to pursue it; that there should always appear a reluctance to adopt measures looking to the developement and judicious direction of these resources, and a readiness to rescind them where they had been adopted. In reference to what bad been said as to the preservation of the principle of protection by this bill, he asked what was the use of preserving the principle of protection, if protection itself was to be abandoned. He deprecated this bill as suicidal in its effects upon the great interests, and the general prosperity of What Great Britain, with her thousand ships, and her Wellington armies, could not accomplish, was given to her by this single act of our own. It had been said that this bill was necessary to preserve the union, and that without it the union would be dissolved; but he questioned the correctness of this view, and policy of adopting this measure in the present attitude of South Carolina. the country. Mr. Calhoun then said, that although he objected to many of the details of this hill, he should vote for it. He thought the time too long, the descent of the duties too slow, and the home valuation as exceptionable; but all these are countervailed by the general spirit and principle of the bill. fle stated that he stated that the south would not view this bill in the light of not to pass. It had been hastily prepared, was loose in its struc- in all except the return to cash duties which that gentleman, cially to the one in which he had said that this bill contained a had been willing to give up to the home valuation. He did pledge which would preveut an honorable man from voting for not accord in the opinions of that gentleman as to the advana repeal of this law. In such a case, he wished the senator tage of this home valuation. He declared that the immediate from Massachusetts to establish a rule exclusively for his owa effect of this bill would be to reduce the value of all the pro- government, and to leave others to the same free course of acperty invested in manufactures, and to destroy the means which tion. He also went over the ground he had formerly taken as to thousands of persons employed in them rely on for their daily the concurrence between the resolutions of that gentleman and sustenance. He expressed his inability to comprehend the be- the bill now under consideration. He then replied to what had nefits which he was told would result from the passage of the fallen from the senator from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Dallas), as to bill. A skilful pilet might be guiding a vessel in a storm safely the course pursued in committee, and insisted that the protecto her harbor, while a less skilful landsman might suppose that tion secured by the bill as it now stands is more efficient than he was running the vessel on the rocks. So it might be with that which would have been obtained by the amendment of that the gentleman from Kentucky, who might see advantages which senator. He also stated that he had conversed with practical were likely to arise under this bill, such as a less skilful po- manufacturers, and had been satisfied that none of the great litician might be unable to discern. He looked on the passage interests of the country would be sacrificed by this bill. In reof this bill by the votes of the senators from South Carolina as ference to the statements made by the senator from Pennsylvaan abandonment of the doctrines of nullification, since, after nia, relative to the ruin which this bill would bring on the estabdeclaring the tariff of 1832, by her ordinance, to be null and void, lishments in Pennsylvania, he expressed his belief that as much they vote for a measure which regards that very law in active injury would not result from this measure as would have resulted and efficient operation. He had no doubt of the passage of from the proposition made by the senator from Pennsylvania. the bill, and although he felt it would operate oppressively However Pennsylvania may have legislated at home, she had on the interests of the state which he represented, he was still not, on this floor, shewn that steady, inflexible determination disposed to give it fair play, and to look upon it as a measure of not to surrender a particle of the principle of protection which conciliation. was now manifested. He would not permit it to go forth to the Mr. Ewing succeeded. He declared that the bill contains no-world that he and his friends who were about to record with thing which is more of the character of a pledge, than is to be pleasure, because it would give peace to the country, their names found in the resolutions of the senator from Massachusetts. He in favor of this bill, were about to yield any thing of the princireplied to the statements that this bill yielded the principle of ple of protection. He regretted that he had occupied the senate protection, and quoted from the language of the gentleman from so long. He would not go through the clauses of the bill, which Pennsylvania to day, and some days since, for the purpose of was printed. He trusted that his constituents would understand shewing that even he had changed his first views of the subject. the motives which had induced him to vote for this bill. If he He adverted to the doubts which he had originally felt in voting should find at the expiration of the nine years that there had for this bill at the present session, but said that these doubts had been too much yielded of the interests of the manufacturers, he subsequently given way. He took a view of the course pur- would willingly go with those friends with whom he had so long sued by the senator from Pennsylvania, in reference to the last acted, in restoring things to their former condition. tariff, in order to shew that his opinions had not always been stable and uniform on the subject. He stated that there was no reason to believe that the senator from Pennsylvania would vote against any measure which carries into effect the views expressed by the president in his message at the opening of the present session, until his friend from Kentucky had introduced this bill. He expressed his regret that he should be found on this question in opposition to the views of his friend from Massachusetts, but he could not help thinking that his friend had attached too much importance to the evils to which he thought this bill would give rise. Totally differing from the views of the senator from South Carolina as to the right of that state to place herself in the position which she now occupies, he would never have vot-men, the opinions of half a dozen or a dozen such convened here ed for the bill, until the other measure had been passed. He remarked that the senator from Massachusetts had objected to this bill because it was prospective legislation. Mr. Webster stated that he had not objected to prospective legislation, but he had said that this bill, excepting the first section, was not prospective legislation. All our legislation is prospective. We do not legislate for the past. Mr. Ewing then resumed, and argued that the bill gives sufficient protection to the manufacturers. It also saves the principle of protection which he would never have consented to abandon. It leaves free all articles which are necessary for the manufacturer. He believed that they who had hitherto opposed the protective system, would, when they should cease to view this question through a party medium, be disposed to yield a moderate protection to domestic industry. Mr. Webster replied that he stood on the ground that specific duties and discrimination in laying them, were the essence of the protective system, and these had been surrendered in this bill. He would leave this point to be settled by the people. He then made some brief answers to the remarks of the senators from Delaware and New Jersey. He thought it was among the possibilities that when gentlemen came together next session, they would be told that a new law would be necessary to carry this into effect. They would then be told that this bill would produce no diminution of the revenue, and that if the revenue is to be reduced, it must be by a different modification of the tariff. He replied that as to what had been said about practical was not to be mistaken for public opinion; and he was far from believing that the opinions of practical men were always the surest guides for politicians: He repeated that artisans and me chanics would be severe sufferers under the operation of this bill, which would take off the protection from those articles. He made a brief reference to what had been said concerning his resolutions, and concluded with saying that he did take the ground that this bill was an abandonment of the essence of the protective principle. Mr. Frelinghuysen made a few observations to explain a point on which he had been misunderstood by the senator from Massachusetts. He stated that he had received his information from the manufacturers, before he left home. He now said that his manufacturers would, if it came to that point, surrender the tariff for the preservation of the union, and so would he-he would live and die by the union. Mr. Silsbee said a few words on the subject of the home va was practicable, the result would not be so favorable to the manufacturer as had been supposed. Mr. Clayton repeated his views for the purpose of extricating them from any doubt as to the home valuation. He said he thought there would be no difficulty in attaining a uniform rate of value by the same process. Mr. Mangum then obtained the floor, and expressed his regret that the gentleman from Pennsylvania should have endeavored to mix poison in the cup which had been tendered to the south,luation, which he deemed to be impracticable, and said that if it in order to induce her to push it away from her. He stated that no man wished such an adjustment of the tariff as, by prostrat ing by a sudden action the great interests of one section of the union, might produce the danger of reaction. He said that the feeling of the south would be one of deep gratitude to those who had come to her aid, when her friends were upon her, and in the dark hour when there was not a particle of light save the sparMr. Forsyth said it was evident from the discussion that this kles which came from the steel of her enemy. He deprecated was a very bad bill, and satisfied nobody. He expressed his the panacea against panic which some gentlemen offered to conviction that public opinion is correcting, and almost correctthem, and thanked those who had zealously bastened the pre-ed, on the subject of the tariff; and that the time is coming when sent glorious consummation. He trusted that, although the pre- this question will be put on its proper footing. He stated that sent bill did not go so far as had been hoped, it would still conthis bill is the same with the tariff of 1832, with the exception ciliate the country, and obtain from all parties deep gratitude for of the high duty on woollens which was conceded last year as a those who have stepped forward, and by sacrificing a part of boon from the gentlemen from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Wilkins), and their system, saved the rest, and tranquilised the country. from New Jersey, (Mr. Dickerson), and for which they were then seriously reprehended by those who now take the opposite ground. He thought it extraordinary that gentlemen on the other side had come so near together as they had. Mr. Clayton then made some observations on the assertion that the principle of protection was abandoned, a statement which he denied. He could not understand how any gentleman could stand up, in the face of all the exemptions which the bill contained of articles used by the manufacturer, and say that there was any intention to abandon the principle of protection. He would not sacrifice any of the great interests of the country, but would look abroad upon the whole, with a desire to extend to all an equal and an efficient protection. He believed, that instead of being abandoned, the tariff system would hereafter be placed on a better footing than any on which it had hereto fore stood. It was from no feeling of panic that he had been induced to vote for this measure. He had been disposed to soothe the feelings of the people of South Carolina, and to produce a state of things which would bring all the great interests of the country to act together. He replied to some of the remarks of the senator from Massachusetts, (Mr. Webster), espe- I In reference to the enforcing bill, and the remarks made by the senator from South Carolina, he said that he was glad to hear from him that this bill was to be discussed in the south hereafter, instead of the tariff. He rejoiced at this, and would meet the contest with pleasure, for it would be one which could be settled by the cannons of the press, and not the cannons of artillery, when, instead of steel bayonets, steel pens might be the weapons, and the cartouch box would be laid aside for the ballot box. On the question of protection, the bill provided protection for nine years, and then afterwards for protection of 20 per cent. The amount is nothing. If the bill protects to a small amount, it admits the power to protect to a large amount. Mr. Sprague replied to what had fallen from the last speaker, and expressed his regret that the gentleman from Georgia should |