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Mtory of mankind, cannot produce an instance of their being received on fuch a foundation, until the late and prefent houfe of commons thought fit to create one in my impeachment.'

Mr. Haftings then informs us that he entered the fervice of the Eaft India company in 1750; and from that fervice derived all his official habits, all his knowledge, and principles of conduct.

In the year 1768 I was appointed by the court of directors of the East India company, a member of the council, and eventually to fucceed to the government of Madras,

In the year 1771, when the affairs of the principal establish-, ment were fuppofed to be on the decline, and to require an unu fual exertion of abilities and integrity to retrieve them, the court of directors made choice of me for that truft: aud I was by their. order removed from the council of Fort St. George, to the government of Fort William in Bengal, and to the principal direction of all the civil, military, commercial, and political affairs, dependent on it.

In the year 1773. I was appointed by an act of parliament, governor-general of Bengal, for five years.

In the year 1778, I was re-appointed by the fame authority for one; in 1779 for another; in 1781 for ten years; and in 1784 I was virtually confirmed by that act which forms the prefent government for India. ...

In this long period of thirteen years, and under fo many. fucceffive appointments, I beg leave to call to the recollection of your lordships, that whilft Great Britain loft one half of its eme pire, and doubled its public debt, that government over which I prefided, was not only preferved entire, but increased in popula tion, wealth, agriculture, and commerce; and although your. lordships have been told by the house of commons, that my meafure have difgraced and degraded the British character in India, I appeal to the general fenfe of mankind, to confirm what I am now going to fay, that the British name and character never flood higher, or were more respected in India, than when I left it.'

He adds that two great fources of revenue, opium and falt, were of his creation; the first amounts to the nett yearly income of 120,000l.; the last to above 800,000l.; and thus concludes.

My lords, I am aware of the promptitude with which my accusers will feize on this expofition of my merits and fervices, to conftrue them (to use the phrafe which they have already applied to them) a fet off againft confeffed offences.

• Į disclaim and protest against this ufe of them. If I am guilty

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guilty of the offences laid to my charge, let me be convicted, and let my punishment be fuch as thofe offences shall deserve.

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No, my lords; I have troubled you with this long recital, not as an extenuation of the crimes which have been imputed to me, but as an argument of the impoffibility of my having committed them,

My lords, when I folicited your indulgence for this day's hearing, I did it under a belief, that there would be ample time in this feffion for your lordships to give judgment. Without that belief I fhould not have urged the request which I made on Monday laft, I affure your lordfips, that there is no object upon earth fo near my heart as that of an immediate termination of this tedious profecution. I am fo confident of my own innocence, and have fuch perfect reliance upon the honour of your lordships, that I am not afraid to fubmit to Judgment upon the evidence, which has been adduced on the part of the profecution.

My lords, it is impoffible for me to know the limits of the prefent feffion of parliament; and under this uncertainty, I can only fay, that if there be fufficient time for your lordships to come to a final judgment before the prorogation of it, then I moft chearfully and willingly reft the caufe where it now stands.

i am above all things defirous that your lordships fhould come to an immediate decifion upon the evidence before you. But if the shortness of time fhould prevent your lordships from complying with this my earneft defire, and the trial muft of neceflity, and to my unfpeakable forrow be prolonged to another feffion, then, my lords, I trust you will not confider me, by any thing I have said, as precluded from adopting fuch means of defence as my counfel may judge most advifeable for my interest.'

At the end of this pamphlet we find obfervations on the impeachment, dated 18 December 1791, apparently written by major Scott. The writer accufes the managers of the profecution of being led by party, and by perfonal refentments. Mr. Fox, fays he, had repeatedly declared that Mr. Pitt got Into power by the fupport and affiftance of the Eaft India company; and that the company was a mere name, an inftrument In the hands of the tools and creatures of Mr. Haftings. He adds, that the best vindication of Mr. Fox's India bill would have been to afcertain the guilt of the late governor-general. Afterwards we find a charge of inconfiftency against Mr. Plt; and many fevere cenfures of Mr. Burke's heterogeneous principles.

In the prefent ftate of this important bufinefs, it would be improper for us to anticipate the judgment of that fupreme tribunal before which it is brought. Yet we must join the national voice in obferving that the trial itfelf has been a fevere punithment, and that the recent delay is an additional ftain on the British annals.

Examination of an Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs; to
which is prefixed, an Introduction, containing Remarks on
Mr. Burke's Letter to a Member of the National Affembly.
By W. Belfham, Efq. 8vo. 2s. 6d. fewed. Dilly. 1792.
THIS work has been long before us; and it is not from dif-

respect to Mr. Belham, that our account of it has been delayed. We confider it as a very able examination, containing much good fenfe and judicious reafoning; and we wished to have given a full account of it, with fuch obfervations as led us frequently to diffent from the author in his conclufions. Indeed, if we had been to compare Mr. Burke's two works with this Examination before us, we could have made the question intelligible; but, on referring to the articles on the Reflections' and the Appeal,' we find it almoft impoffible; nor would it be at any time eafy to have connected, or contrafted two opponents, where the oppofition is carried on in detached paffages. We muft, therefore, content ourselves with a very fhort account of this able pamphlet.

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The Introduction contains obfervations on Mr. Burke's Letter to a Member of the National Affembly,' and remarks on the Reflections.' In this part our author avails himself with fuccefs of fome mifrepresentations, and fome acknowledged miftakes; miftakes acknowledged only in general, and not corrected in Mr. Burke's works. But, perhaps, Mr. Beltham pufhes his triumph too far, and in his oppofition, becomes perfonal, occafionally a little illiberal. In the examination of the appeal thefe faults are fometimes confpicuous; but, in general, it is conducted with greater ability, more candour, and a more guarded temper. The following obfervations are ftrictly juft. The French had undoubtedly a right to aim at perfection; and we are equally warranted in faying, that we think they fought this boafted perfection by a path, in which it could not probably be found; and that the metaphyfical foundation of their conftitution is frail and untenable.

In framing a conftitution wholly new, the French nation were fully warranted in their endeavours to attain to what appear ed to them the standard of political perfection; though, had we a conflitution to form in this country, it might reasonably be fuppofed that our standard would differ in various refpects from theirs. -But our constitution is actually formed: we know that the great ends of government are answered by it ;-we are free and happy under its benignant influence and protection: and though it would be abfurd to pretend that it is incapable of improvement, and abfalutely free from imperfection, it may be fafely affirmed, that the privileges and advantages we poffefs, are far too great to make

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any rational perfon hefitate a moment, whether it be advisable to feek for an extenfion of our liberties, or a redress of our grievan ces, at the rifque of involving ourselves in civil contentions and commotions. Every political alteration and improvement of importance in this country, ought, without doubt, to proceed from a perfect and unanimous conviction of its utility, after the fullest, the faireft, and moft deliberate difcuffion. In what refpe&t does it appear that the commemorators of the French revolution have acted inconfiftently with thefe conftitutional principles-The French nation had long groaned under a vile and oppreffive yoke. By an unprecedented exertion of heroic valour, they, by one grand effort, annihilated the defpotifm of a thousand years; and eftablished, by general confent, that form of government which appeared to them most equitable and eligible.

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In order to justify our congratulations upon this happy change, were we bound to enquire with fcrupulous accuracy into the complex machinery of this new conflitution, and to refrain from expreffing any marks of approbation, if we perceived it to deviate in any respect from the conftitution of our own country? No, certainly; it is fufficient if we difcern in it the general characterifics of a free government, It is enough if they themselves are fatisfied with it, and happy under it. For, furely it will not be denied, that freedom may fubfift under a variety of forms of go. vernment; and these different forms may be very wifely and hap❤ pily adapted to the different fituations and circumstances of dif ferent nations,'

The rest of the firft Part of the examination confifts chiefly of the inconfiftencies of Mr. Burke's prefent, with his former works; a weak fide which meaner antagonists have fucceeded in attacking, and which affords Mr. Belsham a splendid triumph.

The fecond Part contains an enquiry how far Mr. Burke's principles are confiftent with thofe which he adduced from the fpeeches and the works of the Whigs of the last century. As we find it difficult to give any adequate idea of the fubject, broken as it neceffarily muft be, in this kind of warfare, we must be allowed to conclude, in general, that fome of the inconfiftencies, pointed out by Mr. Belfham, appear to us ima ginary; fome are undoubtedly well fupported; but, on the whole, there is a fufficiently ftriking diffimilarity to justify Mr. Burke's conclufion, that the modern Whigs have greatly degenerated from the profeffions, at least, of their predecef

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An entire and complete Hiftory, policical and perfonal, of the Bos roughs of Great Britain; together with the Cinque Ports. To which is prefixed, an original Sketch on conflitutional Rights, from the earliest Period until the prefent Time: illuftrated by a Variety of Notes and References. Vol. II. III. 8vo. 145, boards. Riley. 1792.

IN

N our Review for March last *, we noticed the former volume of this work. After detailing the general arguments which may be urged by those who infift upon the indiscrimi→ nate equality of right, in every individual, to elect their own reprefentatives in parliament, and of those who argue against either the practicability or expediency of fuch an establishe ment, we concluded with obferving, that a temperate politi cian might deem it prudent to make a compromife, between what is strictly just in fpeculation, and what may be practifed with the greatest advantage to the community. This is the mode of conduct, not only the most likely to be productive of beneficial effects, but that likewife which feems most confift ent with the public tranquillity.

Thefe volumes are conducted upon the fame plan with the preceding; the author giving the political character of each borough; its ancient ftate of reprefentation; corporation; right of election, number of voters, returning officer, and patron. The boroughs, however, are not ranked, as before, according to the alphabetical arrangement of the counties.

An anecdote relative to fir Richard Steele, induces us to prefent our readers with an extract from the account of Stock bridge.

Political character. The right of election in this borough is in the inhabitants houfe-keepers, paying fcot and lot. They have no particular patron; but Mr. Bucket, the landlord of the principal inn in the town, is a leading man amongst them. The frequent petitions which have been prefented to parliament on the fcore of bribery, fhew, either that this borough is more than or dinarily open to corruption, or that it is more shameless in the exercife of it. The petition of Mr. Barham and Mr. Porter, against major Scot and Mr. Cater, the fitting members, is now depending on the fame charge,

Ancient representation. This town never fent to parliament till Elizabeth.

• Corporation. None: it being a borough by prescription, governed by a titular bailiff, conftable, and ferjeant at mace.

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