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straingeris, and yett with such hartlines as at this tyme they deserve. This gentleman quhoun this bearare accompanies is worthie, and of guide ranke, and nou my familiare servitoure; use him thairfore in a maire hamelie loving sorte nor otheris. I send you herewith my booke latelie printid (His Majesties Instructions to his dearest son, Henry the Prince) studdie and profite in it as ye wolde deserve my blessing, and as thaire can be na thing happen unto you quhair of ye will not finde the generall grounde thairin, if not the verrie par. ticulaire pointe touched, sa mon ye levell everie mannis opinions or advyces unto you as ye finde thaime agree or discorde with the rulis thaire sett down, allowing and following thaire advyces that agrees with the same, mistrusting and frouning upon thaime that advyses you to the contraire. Be diligent and earnist in your studdies, that at your meiting with me, I maye praise you for your progresse in learning. Be obedient to youre maister, for youre awin weill, and to pro. cure my thankis ; for in reverencing him ye obeye me, and honour yourselfe. Fairuell.

Youre loving Father

James R. From the unfortunate Charles, there are many letters. Letter CCCLXIX. is addressed to Prince Rupert, to whose want of military skill many of the monarch's misfortunes may be attributed. • Nephew,

Though the loss of Bristol be a great blow to me, yet your surrendering it as you did, is of so much afiction to me that it makes me not only forget the consideration of that place, but is likewise the greatest trial of my constancy that hath yet befallen me ; for what is to be done, after one that is so near me as you are, both in blood and friendship, submits himself to so mean an action? (I give it the easiest term) such–I have so much to say, that I will say no more of it: only, lest rashness of judgement be laid to my charge, I must remember you of your letter of the 12th of August whereby you assured me that, if po mutiny happened, you would

keep Bristol for four months. Did you keep it four days? Was there any thing like a mutiny? More questions might be asked, but now I confess to little purpose. My conclusion is, to desire you to seek your subsistance, until it shall please God to determine of my condition, some. where beyond seas ; to which end I send you herewith a pass; and I pray God to make you sensible of your present condition, and give you means to redeem what you have lost : for I shall have no greater joy in a Victory, than a just occasion without blushing to assure you of my being Your loving uncle, and most faithful friend.

C. R. There are three letters only of Cromwell's: the first (No CCCLXII.) is addressed to Colonel Walton, announcing the death of his eldest son at the battle of Marston Moor, and is highly characteristic of the writer.

• Deere Sir,

• It's my duty to sympathize in all mercyes; that we praise the Lord together, in chastisements or tryalls, that soe we may sorrowe together. Truly England and the Church of God, hath had a great favor from the Lord in this great victorie given unto us, such as the like never was since this war begunn. It had all the evidences of an absolute victorie obtained by the Lord's blessinge upon the Godly partye principally. Wee never charged but were routed the enemie. The left winge whiche I commanded being our owne horse, saving a few Scottes in our reere, beat all the Prince's horse. God made them as stubble to our swords. Wee charged their regiments of foote with our horse and routed all wee charged. The particulars I cannot relate now: but I believe of twenty thousand, the Prince hath not four thousand left. Give glory, all the glory, to God.

• Sir, God hath taken away your eldest son by a cannon shot. Itt brake his legge. Wee were necessitated to have it cut off, whereof he died.

Sir, you know my tryalls this way, but the Lord supportes mee with this, that the Lord tooke him unto the happinesse wee all pant after and live for. There is your precious child, full of glory, to know sinn nor sorrow any more. Hee was a gallant younge man, exceedinge gracious. God give you bis comfort. Before his death hee was soe full of comfort, that to Franke Russell and my selfe hee could not expresse itt, itt was soe great above his paine. This he sayd to us. Indeed itt was admirable. A little after hee sayd, one thinge lay upon his spirit; I asked him what that was; hee told mee that it was that God had not suffered him to be noe more the executioner of his enemies. Att his fall, his horse beinge killed with the bullett, and as I am informed three horses inore, I am told hee bid them open to the right and left, that hee might see the rogues runn. Truly he was exceedingly beloved in the Armie of all that knew him. But few knew him; for hee was a precious younge man sitt for God. You have cause to blesse the Lord. Hee is a glorious Saint in heaven, wherein you ought exceedingly to rejoyce. Lett this drinke up your sorrowe. Seinge theise are not fayned words to comfort you ; but the thing is soe real and undoubted a truth. You

may doe all things by the strength of Christ.

Seeke that, easily beare your tryall. Lett this publike mercy to the Church of God make you to forgett youre private sorrowe. The Lord be your strength; so prayes Your truly faythfull and lovinge brother, July 5th, 1644.

Oliver CROMWELL. My love to your daughter and my cozen Perceval, sister Desbrowe, and all friends with you.'

Of Charles the Second little appears. Letter CCCLXXIV. shews his finances to have been but slender.

• I have had soe good testimony of your affection to the King my deare Father of blessed memory, that I desire you on this great occasion to lend me five hundred pounds whereof I promise you, on my royall word, very faithfull repayment. I have troubled few of my

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nd you shall friends in this kind, and I doubt not your readinesse to answer this desire of

Your assured friend St. Germ. 31 Aug. 1649.

CHARLES R. The account of the last moments of this dissolute monarch, written by the chaplain of the Bishop of Ely, who was an eyewitness to the scene, differs materially from Bishop Burnet's representation of that event. The writer gives the King credit for a stronger sense of religion than Bishop Burnet or any one else has hitherto been willing to admit. Nor will it, we suspect, produce any alteration in the general estimate of his character. From James the Second, there is but little. A letter to the Prince of Orange, dated Whitehall, July 14, 1685, we are tempted to transcribe, although it may already have been printed.

• I have had yours of the 17th, and now the Duke of Monmouth is brought up hither with Lord Grey and the Brandenburgher. The two first desired very earnestly to speak with me, as having things of importance to say to me, which they did, but did not answer my expectation in what they said to me. The Duke of Monmouth seemed more concerned and desirous to live, and did behave himself not so well as I expected from one who had taken upon him to be King. I have signed the warrant for his execution to-morrow.'

There are several interesting epistles from Bishop Nicholson to Archbishop Wake, relating to the rebellion in Scotland in 1710. The last letter in the work is from the Pretender, the Chevalier St. George, to his Consort the Princess Clementina, who was grand daughter to John Sobieski, King of Poland. It is as follows:

September 17, 1726. • Notwithstanding the bad success of the many steps I have taken to convince you of my affection and tender regard, my compassion for you encreases in proportion with the misfortunes I see your separation from me exposes you to. The circumstance of my departure from Rome with our children very speedily, ought to make a feeling impression on you. I am sure it raises in me all the loving senti. ments I ever had for you, and presses me to sollicite you anew with all the earnestness possible not to lett slip soe favourable a conjuncture of returning to your family, assuring you at the same time that you will find in me a fond husband, ready to forgett what is past, and wholly intent on providing for your happiness and tranquillity for the time to come.

• Consider, I beseech you my dear Clementine, what you owe to God, to your self, to me, to our children, and to the world; reflect on it seriously, and it will be impossible for me to believe you can hold out any longer in a resolution that draws consequences after it, for which you will ever after be accountable to God and Man. I flatter

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myself the more that you will noe longer persist in it, that I had yesterday from the Pope's own mouth that the only motive you ever laid before his Holyness to justify your separation from me, was, that I gave my son a Protestant Governor. Since I as Father and King am solely accountable for his education, I hope that after serious reflection you will think it just and fitting to submitt in that to my judgement and conscience. But if, as God forbid, you should be resolved to remain always separated from me, I will send Sir William Ellis to inform you of the measures I shall take for your maintenance in a Nunnery, with the regrett of not being in a condition to suit that to my inclination, but to my powere ability. Whatsoever be the event, Madam, I shall have the comfort of having done my part, and comply'd with my duty, since I omitted nothing that might prevent your misfortune, in the midst of which you will always find in me, sentiments that are becoming a Christian, a husband, and a King, (Signed)

J. R.' Before we close this article, it may not be irrelevant to inquire what has become of a collection of manuscripts, which excited a very large share of public interest at the time of their discovery, and which received the denomination of the Stuart Papers. Their history we have understood to be this. Upon the demise of Cardinal York, the last of the Stuarts, at Rome, his effects passed into the hands of indifferent persons; and by some means, that portion of them which comprised the family papers, was seen by an Englishman, who, duly appreciating the value that might attach to them as historical documents, and knowing their utter uselessness to their then Italian possessor, contrived with some address to become their purchaser. Their bulk was immense, filling a large room, and their contents of consequence multifarious; but they were all arranged by King James's own hand, with the nicest care, labelled, and tied up in bundles, according to their different subjects. As some proof of their circumstantiality, they appeared not only to register the names of every person who had intercourse with his majesty, and the subjects of their conversation, but also to give an account of the daily supply of his table, and the cost of each article. The purchase completed, the circumstance became known to several noble travellers then at Rome, by whom the transaction was communicated to our Government; who, for the more securely conveying of the treasure, despatched a king's ship to bring them to this country. Upon their arrival here, the Government thought proper to detain them, upon the plea that they were of too much national importance to be possessed by any private individual; but they appointed a committee for the purpose of estimating their value, with a view to reimburse the individual who held himself to be their legal proprietor ; and the same committee

Was empowered to judge what portion of the manuscripts could be fitly laid before the public. Whether this was a paid or a gratuitous committee, we are not empowered to state. If the former, it may in some degree account for so many years having been permitted to elapse without a close of their labours. As a further proof of their importance, it is said, that many of the least suspected of our noble families will be found therein to have taken a secret part, in direct opposition to that which they publicly avowed. "The Duke of Berwick's portion of this correspondence alone was stated to amount to one thousand letters !

The copious extracts we have been induced to make from these interesting and elegantly printed volumes, we wish to be taken in evidence of the high estimation in which we hold the selection. The number of letters given is four hundred and eleven, comprising a period of upwards of three hundred

years, being from 1418 to 1726. They are severally accompanied by historical notes and illustrations, which reflect the highest credit on the researches and sagacity of the Editor—with whom we have only one fault to find, and that is, the permitting a work which, for historical reference, will assuredly be much consulted, to appear before the public without that useful auxiliary, a copious index,

Art. IV. Lectures on the Philosophy of Modern History. Delivered in

the University of Dublin. By George Miller, Þ.D. M.R.I.A.

Six Volumes, 8vo. pp. 3351. Dublin. 1816. 1820. 1824. A volume, and by no means an unentertaining one, might

be written on the multifarious ways in which history has been handled. Poetry of all metres, and prose of all complexions, have been employed with various success; and while the earlier annalists were ambitious of refinements unattainable by their restricted means, the appetite of modern, times, palled by artifice and elaboration, recurs to their simple and unsophisticated narrative, in preference to the systematic composition and subtle disingenuousness of more recent and popular authors. What is usually termed the philosophy of history, has been, too often, only a specious name for partiality or hypothesis; and that course of argumentative investigation which has been considered as the highest strain of historical writing, has been rarely exercised with good faith and pure intention. Notwithstanding, however, the perversions to which these inquiries have been subject, we are indebted to them

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