to the doctrine of precedents, exclusive of right; though lawyers often tell us, that whatever has been once done, may lawfully be done again.

I SHALL conclude this preface, with a quotation, applicable to the fubject, from a foreign writer*, whofe effay on the English conftitution I beg leave to recommend to the publick, as a performance deep, folid, and ingenious.

"IN fhort, whoever confiders what it is that "conftitutes the moving principle of what we "call great affairs, and the invincible fenfibility "of man to the opinion of his fellow-creatures, "will not hesitate to affirm, that if it were pof"fible for the liberty of the prefs to exift in a "defpotick government, and (what is not lefs diffi"cult) for it to exift without changing the con"ftitution, this liberty of the prefs would alone "form a counterpoife to the power of the Prince. "If, for example, in an empire of the Eaft, a "fanctuary could be found, which, rendered refpectable by the ancient religion of the people,

might infure fafety to those who should bring "thither their obfervations of any kind; and "that, from thence, printed papers fhould iffue, "which, under a certain feal, might be equally "refpected; and which, in their daily appearance, "fhould examine and freely difcufs the conduct "of the Cadis, the Bashaws, the Vizir, the Divan, "and the Sultan himfelf; that would introduce "immediately fome degree of liberty."

B 2

LET

Monfieur de Lolme.

LETTER S

O F

JUNIUS,

LETTER I.

&c.

ADDRESSED TO THE FRINTER OF THE PUBLICK ADVERTISER.

SIR,

THE

January 21. 1769. HE fubmiffion of a free people to the executive authority of government, is no more than a compliance with laws, which they themselves have enacted. While the national honour is firmly maintained abroad, and while juftice is impartially adminiftered at home, the obedience of the fubject will be voluntary, cheerful, and I might almost fay, unlimited. A generous nation is grateful, even for the prefervation of its rights, and willingly extends the refpect due to the Office of a good prince into an affection for his perfon. Loyalty, in the heart and understanding of an Englishman, is a rational attachment to the guardian of the laws. Prejudices and paffion have fometimes carried it to a criminal length; and, whatever foreigners may imagine, we know that Englishmen have erred as much in a mistaken zeal for particular perfons and families, as they ever did in de. fence of what they thought moft dear and interesting to themselves.

It naturally fills us with refentment, to fee fuch a temper infulted and abused. In reading the hiftory of a free people, whofe rights have

been

been invaded, we are interested in their caufe. Our own feelings tell us how they ought to have fubmitted, and at what moment it would have been treachery to themselves not to have refifted. How much warmer will be our refentment, if experience fhould bring the fatal example home to ourfelves!

The fituation of this country is alarming enough to roufe the attention of every man who pretends to a concern for the publick welfare. Appearances justify fufpicion; and when the fafety of a nation is at ftake, fufpicion is a juft ground of inquiry. Let us enter into it with candour and decency. Refpect is due to the ftation of minifters; and, if a refolution must at last be taken, there is none fo likely to be fupported with firmnefs, as that which has been adopted with moderation.

The ruin or profperity of a ftate depends fo much upon the adminiftration of its government, that, to be acquainted with the merit of a miniftry, we need only observe the condition of the people. If we fee them obedient to the laws, profperous in their induftry, united at home, and refpected abroad, we may reasonably prefume, that their affairs are conducted by men of experience, abilities, and virtue. If, on the contrary, we fee an universal spirit of distrust and diffatisfaction, a rapid decay of trade, diffenfions in all parts of the empire, and a total loss of refpect in the eyes of foreign powers, we may pronounce, without hefitation, that the government of that country is weak, diftracted, and corrupt. The multitude, in all countries, are patient to a certain point. Ill ufage may roufe their indignation, and hurry them into exceffes; but the original fault is in government. Perhaps there never was an instance of a change, in the circumstances and temper of a whole nation, so sudden and extraordinary

B 3

ordinary as that which the misconduct of minifters has, within these few years, produced in Great Britain. When our gracious Sovereign afcended the throne, we were a flourishing and a contented people. If the perfonal virtues of a King could have infured the happiness of his fubjects, the scene could not have altered fo entirely as it has done. The idea of uniting all parties, of trying all characters, and diftributing the of fices of ftate by rotation, was gracious and bene-. volent to an extreme, though it has not yet produced the many falutary effects which were intended by it. To fay nothing of the wisdom of fuch a plan, it undoubtedly arofe from an unbounded goodness of heart, in which folly had no fhare. It was not a capricious partiality to new faces; it was not a natural turn for low intrigue; nor was it the treacherous amusement of double and triple negotiations. Ne, Sir; it arose from a continued anxiety, in the pureft of all posfible hearts, for the general welfare. Unfortunately for us, the event has not been anfwerable to the defign. After a rapid fucceffion of changes, we are reduced to that ftate, which hardly any change can mend. Yet, there is no extremity of diftrefs, which, of itself, ought to reduce a great nation to defpair. It is not the diforder, but the phyfician; it is not a cafual concurrence of calamitous circumstances; it is the pernicious hand of government, which alone can make a whole people defperate.

Without much political fagacity, or any extraordinary depth of obfervation, we need only mark how the principal departments of the ftate are beftowed, and look no farther for the true cause of every mischief that befals us.

*The finances of a nation, finking under its debts

The Duke of Grafton took the office of Secretary of State, with an engagement to fupport the Marquis of Rockingham's adminiftration

debts and expences, are committed to a young nobleman already ruined by play. Introduced to act under the aufpices of Lord Chatham, and left at the head of affairs by that nobleman's retreat, he became minifter by accident; but, deferting the principles and profeflions which gave him a moment's popularity, we fee him, from every honourable engagement to the publick, an apoftate by defign. As for business, the world yet knows nothing of his talents or refolution; unless a wayward, wavering inconfiftency be a mark of genius, and caprice a demonstration of fpirit. It may be faid, perhaps, that it is his Grace's province, as furely it is his paffion, rather to diftribute than to fave the publick money; and that, while Lord North is Chancellor of the Exchequer, the First Lord of the Treafury may be as thoughtlefs. and extravagant as he pleases. I hope, however, he will not rely too much on the fertility of Lord North's genius for finance. His lordship is yet to give us the first proof of his abilities: It may be candid to fuppofe, that he has hitherto voluntarily concealed his talents; intending, perhaps, to aftonish the world when we leaft expect it, with a knowledge of trade, a choice of expedients, and a depth of refources, equal to the neceffities, and far beyond the hopes, of his country. He muft now exert the whole power of his capacity, if he would with us to forget, that, fince he has been in office, no plan has been formed, no fyftem adhered to, nor any one important measure adopted for the relief of publick credit. If his plan for the fervice of the current year be not irrevocably fixed on, let me warn him to think seriously

adminiftration. He refigned however in a little time, under pretence that he could not act without Lord Chatham, nor bear to fee Mr. Wilkes abandoned; but that, under Lord Chatham, he would act in any office. This was the fignal of Lord Rockingham's difmiffion. When Lord Chatham came in, the Duke got poffeffion of the Treasury. Reader, mark the consequence!