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After a two-days' meeting at Baltimore, where some twenty-two States were partly or fully represented, mostly by half-filled delegations, this "Constitutional Union Convention" nominated John Bell, of Tennessee, and Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, for President and Vice-President. It was a movement of small importance in the free States. Crittenden would have been more acceptable than Bell; but he more wisely, having much less confidence in the movement, declined. Everett was without political following or support, an orator without a party, a man of letters out of joint, like Winthrop, Cushing, and B. F. Butler at the time, out with the people of his section—a man who was losing something in literature and scholastics, with little, if any, prospect of success in politics.

Although this was the relation of the "Constitutional" party in the free States, where the nominations were not much more than mentioned, they had a very different and vastly more important meaning, an overhanging dread and threatening danger, to the Davis supremacy, if it could be supported by a majority in the slave States.

The first effect of these Bell and Everett nominations aroused a more determined and unremitting opposition to Douglas in the South. He was not acceptable to any party among them, more positively by his successful opposition to the spread of slavery. Whatever might be the pretense, this was the real cause of his waning support in the South. He was then as objectionable to the South as Seward, Chase, Thad. Stevens, or Fremont; for whatever others had said, Douglas stood in the front line, and delivered the actual blows which restricted the spread of their favorite institution.

In this situation, with Bell and Douglas as the opposing candidates in the slave States, it was almost a certainty that Bell would get the electoral vote of every one of them. In that case Bell and his supporters would gain power and

ascendency in the slave States, with Davis beaten and as certainly removed from power and influence.

Before submitting to this threatened and unexpected defection and following catastrophe, to prevent it, Davis would have risked himself as the candidate of the seceding faction. Although far from being a popular man among the Southern people, he was always considered one of their most capable men in personal character. He was a venturesome, persevering leader, resourceful in contrivance and combination all over the South-a man who was far ahead of his fellows in being prepared and ready at any time to put his plans into execution. At the time of the Conventions he was in such complete control of his faction that a word to Yancey and a few others would have made him their candidate.

Things were drifting that way at Charleston plain enough for Benjamin F. Butler, of Massachusetts, one of the longest-headed, shrewdest Northern men then serving the slave power, to see just where the tide was setting when he cast every ballot for Davis. The Southern leaders would have turned that way with little exertion, if Douglas could have been overthrown. Events were running and so firmly set in that direction that no one but Davis himself could have hindered it, if his faction had succeeded.

The nomination of John Bell upset the Davis scheme at once, not by any counseling or agreed-to plan, nor by any belief of the delegates who nominated Bell that there was a reasonable hope of his election, but because it was well known that Bell was one of the most popular leaders in the Southern States. With all the organized strength, diligence, and discipline of what was known as the slavepower to contend against, the tide of popular favor was likely to turn to Bell in a strain of approval that would have been irresistible.

Indeed, it became plain to Davis that the Southern

people were almost certain to turn to Bell, whom they liked. One strong reason to thousands of them was that he was a Union man, and would earnestly try to save it, as against Davis. He knew of his own knowledge that his own people still loved the Union, and that most of them would vote that way. If Bell had won against Davis even half the slave States, it would still have left Davis, not a dangerous plotter against his country, but a defeated factionist, with no following that would have justified any attempt at insurrection.

With this full knowledge of what would be the result of the divided Democracy and Bell's candidacy and the imminent danger of the slavery conspirators' overthrow, Davis was retired at once. John C. Breckinridge, then Vice-President, the most popular man in the South, was selected. He was a brave, generous-hearted man among his associates. He was a man more commonly respected among the people and far more genial and kindhearted in his dealings with them than the ordinary, rough, blustering Southern leaders of the time.

His selection saved the conspirators' faction from the unexpected danger of the Bell movement. It was planned at Washington, and was one of the acts of the leaders that was popular and approved by the Southern people. Breckinridge was a capable, fine-appearing and talented leader, whom the pro-slavery people supported as heartily and zealously as the free State people did either Lincoln or Douglas. At Baltimore, after the complete division, Breckinridge's selection seemed to be a spontaneous movement, having been so well planned and carried out that it appeared to be reached in the ordinary course of business on the floor of the Convention.

W

CHAPTER XL.

HEN the factions of the Democratic party reassem

bled at Baltimore on the 18th of June, there was no

sign of amelioration or amendment. When the body was called to order, there was doubt whether order or confusion prevailed. Chairman Cushing was considered the ablest parliamentary lawyer and presiding officer of that day, yet for ten days at Charleston and then five days at Baltimore he presided over the most disorderly meetings ever gathered for any kind of business on the continent. The furious Yancey, still the agent of the conspirators, returned with his irreconcilables, when he claimed, on reflection, they were anxious for harmony, and sought readmission, to avoid disruption of the party. A number of delegates claiming appointment from several States after the Charleston break-up were there also, asking admission in place of those who had voluntarily walked out.

They met in the Front Street Theater, the inside of which resembled a Babel of noise, confusion, and disorder. In the street outside, where open meetings were in progress, it was hardly less than a five days' and nights' riot. Confusion reigned above all. There was no man among the thousand capable ones there who could calm the turbulent slavery powers, who were then driving the Nation to conflict.

Neither the five days' whirling, zigzagging, overwhelmed, and overhammered threats, nor all the scullionism of the unchecked rioting of the pro-slavery town could shake the free State delegates from the determination in which they

were more firmly rooted and grounded than ever on their reassembling. Regardless of all the vocal thunders and mimic war so obnoxiously carried on around them, they had only to repeat what they had said a hundred times, that no further concession would be made to slavery, that if the conspirators carried out their dreadful threats, there would be no parties in the free States until the Union was saved.

Judge Douglas was in Washington, where he received intelligence as to their progress, or, rather, the want of it. He sent three messages, in order to restore harmony and save the party and the Nation, withdrawing his name, and promising his unqualified support to any one they could, in their combined wisdom, agree upon. If further proof of his unselfish devotion to his country and his cause had been needed, these messages surely gave it. The true and faithful delegates were more firmly set in his support as the contest went on. They well knew that he had risen far above personal ambition long before this in his contest with the slave-leaders, that it had been one of principle on his part, and that these same leaders would as readily combine against and destroy, if they could, any equally honest and capable leader of true Democracy. These delegates formed one of the strongest and most resolute bodies of Americans that ever attended any Convention; hence, when Mr. Douglas's messages were received, with better knowledge of the situation than he, they tore them up, and continued their fighting.

It was said of these faithful Douglas Democrats that they were a mere handful, and could not carry a single State for their candidate. It came true that, though they could not secure many Electoral votes, they were indorsed by sixty-five per cent of the whole Democratic vote. Under all the embarrassments and besetments of a divided party and growing antagonism to their former leaders, they lacked less

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