most numerous and the most patriotic, but kept down by the army, the clergy, and the monarchists. Though their manifesto breathes a noble spirit of patriotism, and denounces us as invaders of the Mexican soil, I think it will not be difficult for an attentive reader to perceive that they are strongly disposed to peace, and that they see nothing but evil to the republic from the military rule of Santa Ana. It is the party with which our negotiations were commenced for an amicable settlement of the Texas question. We have, I fear, lost much of its confidence since the war commenced. We are considered as determined to dismember the republic. The Mexican papers are full of a plan which they attribute to us, of dividing their territory at the 23d degree of latitude, the parallel of Tampico and San Luis Potosi; and while they suppose this to be our determination, it is natural that they should speak of us with asperity. But let it be once understood that we are disposed to settle our differences on just and liberal terms, and I believe there will be no obstacle with them to a pacification. They are now powerless; but it may be that, in the progress of the war, their condition may be reversed, and that, by a wise policy on our part, political results of the highest benefit to Mexico may be secured, and her republican institutions may be established on a more solid and durable foundation.

I will now read to the Senate a paper of a different character, a paper which may be fairly considered as the manifesto of Santa Ana himself. I find it in the "Diario del Gobierno de la Republica Mexicana" (the Journal of the Government of the Mexican Republic) of Sunday, the 22d November, 1846; but the article is copied from a paper printed at San Luis Potosi, and entitled “La opinion del ejercito," (the opinion of the army,) and doubtless conducted under his supervision. Indeed, it contains a reference to his opinions, which may be regarded not only as authentic, but semi-official:

"SAN LUIS POTOSI, November 13.

"THE WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES. Public opinion expressed through the press has been continually arraigning our rulers, of all epochs, for the apathy and indifference with which they have viewed the Texas question since the unfortunate event of San Jacinto. From that time the Mexican people knew what would be the consequences of this criminal indifference, and constantly and energetically begged for the restoration of the constitution of 1824, as the only means of recovering, with less difficulty and by force, possession of that vast and rich territory usurped by a small handful of adventurers.

"Unfortunately, the preceding administration, occupied solely with keeping themselves in power, turned a deaf ear to the voice of the people, refusing them even the coöperation of our valiant army in an enterprise which, singly, they could not have accomplished. They feared that the citizens, on receiving arms to revenge the outrages committed upon the nation, would turn them against their rulers, and hurl them from the posts which they held by means of revolutions. In this manner they succeeded in weakening the strength of the people, and putting to sleep their enthusiasm, so as to favor the rapacity of the Americans, who already meditated the annexation of Texas to their States.

"This act of perfidy was verified by a decree of the Chamber of Deputies of the United States; and the reclamations from our government, and the answers to them, were in great part unknown to the people, from whom they were carefully concealed, in order that public opinion might not interfere with measures so little favorable to the interests of the community. Thus have negotiations of the highest importance to Mexico constantly become more complicated, until we now see ourselves invaded, and a large portion of our country occupied, not merely by Texan adventurers, but by the army of the United States, ordered hither without reason, and with perfidious views on the part of that government which aspires to overthrow the independence which we acquired at the cost of so much blood.

"Of all these evils, and of many more sacrifices which have been made, and are still making, by the people to recover the territory of Texas, and that newly occupied, preceding administrations are the cause, and more particularly that of the 6th of December, 1844, which, forgetting its pledges to the nation, confided its arms to a disloyal general, who planned the ruin of our institutions before marching to the frontier to punish, as he was ordered, our invaders. To this administration, we repeat, the country owes the state in which it now finds itself with our perfidious neighbor; and it is responsible for the manner in which our diplomatic relations with that power now remain.

"The negotiations which the minister, Cuevas, commenced with the government of the United States, to terminate the Texas question in an amicable manner, gave reason to the cabinet of that republic to believe that Mexico was feeble, and that they could remain with impunity in the possession of our territories as soon as a part of their army should present itself on this side of the line that divides the two territories. All that has happened, the periodical press, as the most sure organ of public opinion, foretold; and it reproved severely the conduct observed by the cabinet of that period for admitting an envoy of the government of the United States, who came empowered to arrange our difference with the Anglo-Saxon peacefully. This same opinion was manifested by the army of operations, which, under the orders of General Paredes, was in this capital; and there is no doubt that the nation repudiates all accommodation with the American government.

"The best proof which can be given of this fact is, that now when we enjoy liberty, when the nation sees itself governed by the constitution of 1824, and when it has a government of its own, since it is eminently popular, citizens of all classes present themselves full of enthusiasm to offer their services to make war upon the unjust invader. In all parts they are contending and disputing the preference to march, and anxiously await the day of battle to avenge the blood of their brethren, shed on the fields of Palo Alto, Resaca, and Monterey.

"NO ACCOMMODATION, cry the people: No measures of pacification while these rapacious invaders remain in our territory. These are the sentiments of our army and of the people, of our ILLUSTRIOUS CHIEF, and these will be also the feelings of the sovereign extraordinary Congress, provided its deliberations are governed by obedience to the popular will."

As I have already said, this article is from a paper published at San Luis Potosi, and it may be regarded as the organ of Santa Ana, and as speaking his sentiments. The article was put forth on the 13th of November, about three weeks before the Congress met. It seems, on its face, designed to forestall the deliberations of Congress. It leaves no field for discussion. "No accommodation," is the command of Santa Ana, at the head of fifteen or twenty thousand men. What are we to infer? That, as war will continue him in command of the army, he is unwilling to terminate it? It would certainly seem so; and yet this bold language may be a mere stroke of diplomacy. While

assuming an attitude of uncompromising hostility to us, and before his countrymen, it may be that he is secretly in favor of peace. But there is enough, it appears to me, in both manifestoes to counsel us to continue our preparations, and to pursue the war with vigor, standing ready to terminate the contest on just and liberal terms, whenever Mexico shall listen to our overtures.

I have but one word more to say in support of the bill. The President has asked the appointment of a commander of the armies in Mexico, with an increased rank. He believes it to be essential to the proper organization and movement of the army. He believes the success of our military operations may depend on it. Sir, when the public honor. and reputation are at stake, I am willing to extend to the administration, on whom rests the whole responsibility of bringing the war to an honorable termination, any reasonable aid it requires. If we deny him the means he asks, and there shall be any failure in the enterprises set on foot, the responsibility will rest, not on him, but on us. While I am never in favor of enlarging unduly the sphere of executive patronage or power, I am in favor of extending to the President, within the sphere of his existing powers, the fullest command of means. It is a necessary incident to the conduct of war to invest him, in this respect, with a large discretion. Be it for good or for evil, we must give him our confidence. It is always possible an Executive may not respond to it as we think he ought. But it is quite clear that he cannot without it hope for a successful execution of his plans. With these impressions, I shall vote for the men and means which may be asked to carry on the war with vigor. I shall vote for such an organization of the army as is deemed necessary to give it the greatest efficiency, so long as I see no salutary principle violated. The honorable Senator from Kentucky1 expressed the same determination in respect to men and means at a late meeting

1 Mr. Crittenden.

of the Senate. Sir, no one appreciates the patriotism of that honorable Senator better than myself; and I sincerely wish the confidence in the Executive, which this determination implies, could, consistently with his views of duty, be carried a little farther,- that, while giving to the government all the men and money asked for, he could also vote for such an organization of the army as is deemed necessary to a vigorous prosecution of the war; for means and men avail little without the energy moral and physical of an efficient organization. For myself, I perceive nothing objectionable in the measure proposed. On the contrary, I can readily conceive it to be essential to the successful prosecution of our military operations in Mexico. I believe it to be necessary to a proper organization of the army; and I sustain it with cheerfulness, as a measure which is deemed necessary by the administration to sustain the honor of the country and to insure the success of its arms.