him to resign this duty, to the great regret of his fellow citizens. He is of graceful address; the expression of his face highly intelligent and amiable, and his features very handsome. The American forehead is almost always well formed, and that of Mr. Lawrence clearly denotes the immense superiority of the intellectual over the physical nature. His language is well chosen, and his ideas always expressed with clearness; his politics are Whig; his religion Episcopalian. But the opinions he entertains on all subjects result from careful investigation and deliberate conviction. No bigotry, intolerance, party feeling or blind passion could ever darken a mind so patient in reflection, so scrupulous in inquiry, and so just and generous in its conclusions. The name of this excellent man and citizen is known and respected throughout the Union, and strangers esteem it a privilege to be admitted to his intimacy; they are ever justly appreciated and hospitably entertained.

Powers and Healy have each exerted their skill in pourtraying Mr. Lawrence; the one in marble and the other on canvass: both have been suc

cessful; but as I prefer form to colour, the chisel to the pencil, I admire the marble most.

It may be said that Mr. Lawrence has more repose of character than is usual in the men of America, for they are the most excitable of all nations; and this peculiarity in him may perhaps be traced to his early success in life, and to his comprehensive knowledge of the world; ere he had yet attained the meridian of life, wealth, honour, love, obedience, troops of friends had waited on him. During a recent visit to the Metropolis I had the pleasure of seeing the distinguished namesake of Mr. Lawrence of Boston, William Lawrence, Esq. of White Hall Place, London. We spoke of our mutual friend across the Atlantic. "He is indeed," said he, "a most remarkable man; one who would be striking in all companies: I recall with the greatest pleasure his visit to Ealing, when he and his family were in London." Certainly if these two admirable men are not related to each other they ought to be.

EXTRACTS FROM MR. LAWRENCE'S LETTER TO MR. RIVES, ON THE TARIFF.

BOSTON, 16th January, 1846.

There is a prevalent idea abroad, that the capital of the country will suffer exceedingly by a revulsion in its business, and that the tariff of 1842 has operated in favour of the capital, and not the labour, of the country. There can be no doubt that capital is generally profitably and safely employed, and well paid. The profits of capital are low when wages are low; but capital has usually had the power to take care of itself, and does not require the aid of Congress to place it in any other position than to put the labour in motion. Congress should legislate for the labour, and the capital will take care of itself. * *** *

In Virginia and other Southern States, and even at the West, many persons have believed that the protective system was made by and for New England, and that New England, and particularly Massachusetts, could not thrive without it. Now this is an error; the South and West

began the system of high protective duties for the purpose of creating a market for their produce, (although the principle of discrimination was recognized and established when the first tariff was enacted.) It is not true that we are more dependent on a protective tariff than the Middle, Western, or Southern States. Those States that possess the smallest amount of capital are the most benefited by a protective tariff. We have in New England a great productive power; in Massachusetts far greater than any other, in state proportion to population. We have a hardy, industrious and highly intelligent population, with a perseverance that seldom tires, and we have also acquired a considerable amount of skill, which is increasing every day; besides, we have already accomplished a magnificent system of intercommunication between all parts of this section of the country by railroads; this is the best kind of productive power, having reduced the rate of carriage to a wonderful extent: this being done, we have money enough remaining to keep all our labour employed, and prosecute our foreign and domestic commerce without being in debt beyond the limits

of our own State. Now, I ask, how we shall stand, compared with Pennsylvania, Ohio, Alabama, Georgia or Louisiana when the day of financial trial shall come? I do not deny that we shall suffer; but, as it has been in times past, we shall go into and come out of the troubles far stronger than any other State out of New England. It is not my purpose to present to you the balance sheet of Massachusetts, but it is due to her character and her dignity that she should stand before you in her true position. I have never advocated a protective tariff for my own or the New England States exclusively, nor have those gentlemen with whom I have been associated in this

cause, at any time entertained a narrow or sectional view of the question. We have believed it to be for the interest of the whole country that its labour should be protected, and so far as I have had to do with the adjustment of those difficult combinations embraced in a tariff bill, I have endeavoured to take care that the interests of all the States were protected, whether they were large or small. I say now to you, and it should be said in Congress, and to the country, that Massachusetts asks no