possible, according to the principles of the federal constitution," and should, in the meantime, be protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property and religion.

In what manner have we redeemed our faith, thus plighted to France? Texas was ours; but it is ours no longer. In violation of the treaty of Louisiana, we ceded Texas to Spain by the Florida treaty of 1819. We thus dismembered the valley of the Mississippi, and extended the boundary of a foreign nation along our most weak and defenceless frontier.

And, in the first place, therefore, Texas ought to be annexed to the Union, because the possession of this territory is necessary to our defence, peace and security. The treaty of 1819, with Spain, abandoned our natural limits. It yielded up the boundary of a great river-the Del Norte-of a desert, and of a chain of mountains, for a mere arbitrary line. Whoever casts his eyes upon the map will be convinced of this truth. This treaty gave a foreign nation territory upon the banks of two of our noblest rivers-the Arkansas and the Red River-both tributaries of

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the Mississippi, and thus laid the foundation of perpetual disputes concerning their navigation. These disputes have already commenced between us and Texas. Such river questions have ever been a source of perpetual contest between conterminous nations. The republic of Texas now approaches the immediate vicinity of New Orleans, and thus our weakest frontier is exposed. will admit that General Jackson is a high authority on military questions. In his letter to Mr. Brown, of the 12th February, 1843, he renders it clear, that, should Texas form an alliance with Great Britain, in case of war, our weak south western frontier would be left open, and exposed to the invasion of this powerful and hostile nation, and that the means would thus be placed under its control of exciting a servile insurrection within our borders. On the other hand, if Texas were annexed to the United States, 66 our western boundary (says the General) would be the Rio del Norte, which is of itself a fortification, on account of its extensive barren and uninhabitable plains. With such a barrier on our west we are invincible. The whole European world could not, in combi

nation against us, make an impression on our Union.”

In the second place, Texas ought to be annexed to the United States, because this would greatly increase our internal commerce, extend the market for our domestic manufactures, and bind the Union together by still stronger bonds; but, on the other hand, should you reject Texas, she will necessarily form a commercial alliance with our great rival, England, who would thus secure to herself the finest cotton growing region of the earth at our expense, and to the lasting injury and prejudice of all our great interests.

It has been estimated that our internal commerce, or home trade, is already fifteen times as great as our commerce with foreign nations. The acquisition of Texas would, in a very few years, vastly increase this domestic trade. The manufactures of the North would here find an ever growing market; whilst our commercial marine and our steam vessels would obtain profitable employment in transporting the cotton, the sugar and other agricultural productions of Texas, not only throughout the Union, but over the world.

Ours will be a glorious system of free trade, and the only one which the jealousy and the interest of foreign nations will ever permit us to enjoy. Should Texas be annexed, and our Union preserved, there are human beings now in existence who will live to see one hundred millions of freemen within its limits, enjoying all the benefits of free trade and unrestricted commerce with each other. Henry the Great of France, more than two hundred years ago, conceived the magnificent idea-it was called his grand design—of dividing Europe into fifteen confederated states, for the purpose of preserving peace and promoting free commerce among its different nations. He died in the execution of this grand design, which was alone sufficient to entitle him to the name of Great. It is only thus that we can fulfil our high destinies, and run the race of greatness for which we are ordained. The time has passed away when serious fears can be entertained from an extension of our Union, although I admit that the Del Norte seems to be the boundary prescribed by nature between the Anglo-Saxon and the Mexican Within this limit, the more we extend our

races.

system of confederated States, the greater will be the strength and security of the Union; because the more dependent will the several parts be upon the whole, and the whole upon the several parts. If there were no other bond to preserve our Union, what State would forego the advantages of this vast free trade with all her sisters, and place herself in lonely isolation? This system of confederated republics, under which the federal government has charge of the interests common to the whole, whilst local governments watch over the concerns of the respective States, is capable of almost indefinite extension with increasing strength. This strength can never be impaired but by the attempts of the federal government to pass beyond its legitimate limits, and interfere with interests belonging peculiarly to the States.

But suppose that we reject Texas, what will be the consequences? And here I invoke the patient attention of the Senate. From the necessity of the case, she must cast herself into the arms of England. Both her interest and her safety render this inevitable. I do not believe that Texas would ever consent to become a colony of England, or