to Mr. Buchanan to learn that since the publication of the correspondence between the British Minister and himself, many persons on this side of the Atlantic have adopted his opinions, and consider that the Americans shewed the better claim. I have heard these convictions acknowledged even by men of the high Tory régime. Mr. Gallatin expressed personally to me his high opinion of the merits of Mr. Buchanan's letters.

In social life the Secretary of State is easy and hospitable, and invariably receives with cordiality the marks of attention and respect which are paid to him. I have understood that his reading in law and history is extensive, and study has ever formed his principal recreation. In conversation he is rather a listener than a speaker; but he is always in advance of the subject as it proceeds, and sometimes puts a startling question when it is least expected. His opinions both of the subject and of the speaker are founded very much on the unpremeditated replies which he elicits. This peculiarity is probably the result equally of a legal education and of long official habits; but it is ever attended with courtesy, and

always exhibits the earnest purpose and reasoning mind which prompts such a mode of investigation. There is one trait of Mr. Buchanan's character which cannot be too highly estimated, inasmuch as it is rare in all men, and still more rare in statesmen. He is faithful to a promise, and regards his word as a bond. His friendships are lasting, and he is said to possess the weakness (and I believe it true) that clung to Mr. Canning from youth to age, excessive and tenacious watchfulness of the affections of those to whom he is attached. Public life, with its artificial system, its selfish and worldly hopes and fears, has never chilled the heart of the minister: he finds time, through all his cares, to exercise his warm affections, his generous sympathies; to advise the unprotected, to relieve the distressed. Never has charity been asked of him in vain; and many a daily prayer from the widow and the orphan ascends to heaven for their generous though often unknown benefactor. Though unmarried, Mr. Buchanan has the most delicate and exalted appreciation of the female character; and free from those narrow prejudices which reduce a woman to

a plaything, he does not disdain to honour her worth, and to encourage her attempts at usefulness. Religion, to his honour be it spoken, is the frequent subject of this statesman's meditation. In his private cabinet at home, on the small table in daily use, and within arm's reach, are placed two volumes;-the one Jay's Devout Exercises, the other the New Testament.

Mr. Buchanan is a constant attendant on public worship. He is a member of the Presbyterian church, but he is too enlightened for bigotry, and to his discriminating and liberal policy it is owing that a Roman Catholic Prelate, of exalted reputation for wisdom and piety, has been consulted on the aspect of affairs between the United States and Mexico.

I have frequently had the pleasure of conversing with Mr. Buchanan since the settlement of the Oregon question (the articles of which will, I have understood, be called the Treaty of Washington.) He exhibited no narrow minded feeling of personal vexation, but congratulated me frankly and cordially on the termination of this anxious affair. The Secretary alluded to his retirement to

the Supreme Bench, as a thing contemplated, though not immediate, for he wisely judged that true magnanimity at that moment consisted in holding and not in hastily escaping from office. On the other hand, he dwelt with lingering pleasure on the charms of rural life, its leisure, its amusements, its health and independence. But though no retiring minister ever appeared in brighter colours than Buchanan, I rejoice to hear that he is still at the helm of government, and that he probably will remain in this distinguished post.

EXTRACTS FROM THE SPEECH OF MR. BUCHANAN, IN EXECUTIVE SESSION,

In favour of the treaty for the annexation of Texas to the United States, delivered in the Senate of the United States, 8th June, 1844 (the injunction of secresy removed.)

In order clearly to understand the origin and nature of the question, it may here be proper to present a brief sketch of the history of Texas. By the treaty of Louisiana of 30th April, 1803, the

United States acquired this province from France. Every American statesman who has treated of the subject, from Mr. Jefferson down to the distinguished senator from Missouri (Mr. Benton) is clear and strong in this conviction. "The facts and principles which justify this conclusion," say Messrs. Monroe and Pinckney to the Spanish commissioner, in 1805, "are so satisfactory to our government as to convince it that the United States have not a better right to the island of New Orleans than they have to the whole district of territory west to the Del Norte." And what was the eloquent language of the senator from Missouri, in view of the negotiations pending in 1818, and which resulted in the cession of Texas to Spain? "The magnificent valley of the Mississippi is ours," says he, "with all its fountains, springs and floods; and woe to the statesman that shall undertake to surrender one drop of its water—one inch of its soil-to any foreign power.” Under this treaty of Louisiana, we entered into a solemn agreement with France that the inhabitants of the ceded territory "should be incorporated into the Union of the United States, as soon as