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We will begin with those letters in which the King gives expression to his affection for and confidence in his Minister. The first letter we shall quote relates to a matter of domestic interest which had caused the King great pain. His third, brother, the Duke of Cumberland, a Prince of handsome features but low stature, mean talents, and small acquirements, had crowned many amours by an intrigue with the Countess Grosvenor. An action was brought by her husband against her seducer, and the jury assessed the damages at 10,000l. The sequel of the Duke's history was not calculated to reconcile him to the King. After a notorious intrigue with the young wife of a citizen who seems to have been rather gratified at the scandal, His Royal Highness married the widow of Mr. Christopher Hor on, a woman whose attractions, according to Walpole, consisted in her being 'extremely pretty, well made, with the most amorous eyes in the world, and eyelashes a yard long. The other brother spoken of in the letter is the Duke of Gloucester, the second and once the best-loved brother of George III.

'Richmond Lodge, Nov. 5th, 1770. 'LORD NORTH, - A subject of a most private and delicate kind obliges me to lose no time in acquainting you that my two brothers have this day applied to me on the difficulty which the felly of the youngest has drawn him into; the affair is too publick for you to doubt but that it regards the lawsuit; the time will expire this day sevennight, when he must pay the damages and other expenses attending it. He has taken no one step to raise the money, and now has applied to me as the only means by which he can obtain it, promising to repay it in a year and half; I therefore promised to write to you, though I saw great difficulty in your finding so large a sum as thirteen thousand pounds in so short a time; but their pointing out to me that the prosecutor would certainly force the House, which would at this licentious time occasion disagreeable reflections on the rest of his family as well as on him. I shall speak more fully to you on this subject on Wednesday, but the time is so short that I did [not] choose to delay opening this affair till then; besides, I am not fond of taking persons on delicate affairs unprepared; whatever can be done ought to be done; and I ought as little as possible to appear in so very improper a business. 'GEORGE R.'*

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'LORD NORTH, - You cannot be surprised that the degree to which you have pressed to resign during the space of the last three months has given me much uneasiness, but it never made me harbour any thought to the disadvanleast you have offended me, when there is not tage of your worth. Now you are allarmed the least reason for it. As you have declared a resolution of continuing if I cannot make an arrangement to my satisfaction, this declaration of yours has thoroughly satisfied me, and I trust to be in a few days able to decide whether I can make a proper arrangement, or whether, agreeable to your present request, I shall think it best to continue you in your present office: in either case you shall by deeds, not words, see that I have a real regard for you.' (Vol. ii. pp. 197, 198.)

As the year went on, the parliamentary contest became more hot and violent, recriminations between the adherents of the Ministry and the Opposition became more and more virulent. Lord North had to fight almost single-handed against Burke, nomical Reform enlisted the support of Barré, and Savile. Burke's motion on Ecomany partisans of the Government. Dunning's celebrated motion directed against the growth of the Crown's influence had been affirmed by a majority of eighteen in a House of four hundred and forty-eight. A general resolution to press vigorously for reform and retrenchment was displayed both within and without the House. But through want of unanimity or of honesty these majorities at last began to dwindle, and the Ministry regained temporary ascendancy. It was after one of these favourable divisions that the King wrote the following letter:

'Queen's House, May 19th, 1780. '15 min. pt. 8 a.m.

'LORD NORTH cannot doubt that I received with pleasure his account of Mr. Burke's Bill

having been defeated in the several clauses that | vines who his Majesty thought would best were before the Committee yesterday. become the episcopal or any other ecclesiastical dignity. The King writes on appointing one clergyman to the Mastership of the Temple, and another to a Crown living:

'Queen's House, Feb. 1st, 1771.

'But he cannot be surprised at the real sorrow occasioned by seeing he persists in the idea that his health will not long permit him to remain in his present situation. If I had the powers of oratory of Demosthenes, or the pen of an Addison, I could not say more on the subject than what I can convey in the follow'LORD NORTH, I have learnt from Lord ing few lines: that I am conscious, if Lord North will resolve with spirit to continue in Talbot that the Mr. Watts who is recommendhis present employment, that with the assisted by the Archbishop of Canterbury and the ance of a new Parliament I shall be able to Bishop of London for the pulpit at the Temple keep the present constitution of this country is the person I imagined; he is one of my chapin its pristine lustre; that there is no means of lains, a man of great abilities, and, from my letting Lord North retire from taking the lead knowledge of him, an excellent preacher; I in the House of Commons that will not prob- therefore consent to his appointment, which ably end in evil; therefore till I see things you will direct to be prepared.' (Vol. i. pp. 54, change to a more favourable appearance I 55.) shall not think myself at liberty to consent to Lord North's request. He must be the judge whether he can therefore honorably desert me, when infalable [sic] mischief must ensue.' (Vol. ii. p. 321.)

In almost the very last letter addressed to Lord North as Prime Minister, the King thus unbosoms himself respecting the demands of Lord North's successor:

'Queen's House, March 27th, 1782.

LORD NORTH, - At last the fatal day has come which the misfortunes of the times and the sudden change of sentiments of the House of Commons have drove me to of changing the Ministry, and a more general removal of other persons than I believe ever was known before. I have to the last fought for individuals, but the number I have saved, except my Bedchamber, is incredibly few. You would hardly believe that even the Duke of Montagu was strongly run at, but I declared that I would sooner let confusion follow than part with the governor of my sons and so unexceptionable a man: at last I have succeeded so that he and Ld. Ashburnham remain. The effusion of my sorrows has made me say more than I had intended, but I ever did and ever shall look on you as a friend, as well as a faithful servant.' (Vol. ii. p. 420.)

It is clear that, though the King took an interest in the details of all public business and all official promotion, there was no one subject in which he felt so great an interest as in the dispensation of ecclesiastical preferment. We know with what intensity of purpose, at a later period of his life he fought against Pitt for the appointment to the Primacy, and won battle by promoting Bishop Manners Sut ton, in preference to his Minister's nominee, Bishop Tomline. In these volumes we see the same solicitude on behalf of those diLIVING AGE. VOL. VI. 210.

the

'Queen's House, March 4th, 1771. 53 min. pt. 5 p.m.

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'LORD NORTH, Mr. Scott chusing to decline the living of Worplesden, I very readily consent to Mr. Fountayne's obtaining it, and Simondsburn in Northumberland; you will that the former may wait for the living of therefore direct the warrant to be preferred [sic]. (Vol. i. pp. 60, 61.)

The following, on an Oxford professorship, might be well remembered in days. when other claims than those founded on. special aptitude for the office are allowed. to have weight:

'Queen's House, March 10th, 1771.

'LORD NORTH, Your account of Admiral: Pye having yesterday carried the election at Rochester by so great a majority gives me much pleasure. I have also received your acknowledgment of the note I sent you, desiring. you to consult the Chancellor of Oxford as to. the properest person for the vacant Professorship, because I think those offices, having been instituted for promoting learning in the Uni versities, ought not to be given by favour, but according to merit.' (Vol. i. p. 63.)

The following bear upon promotions on. and to the Bench:

'Queen's House, November 29th, 1774. 26 min. pt. 6 p.m.

LORD NORTHI, I learnt from the chancellor at the House of Lords this day that a clergyman quitted Bath on Sunday morning to solicit him for a living vacated by the death of this I rather think is rather premature; but the Bishop of Worcester on Saturday night; having since heard it pretty positively asserted that accounts are arrived this day from that place assuring he is dead). I trust if true you

'Windsor, April 30th, 1781.

will have heard it, in which case I desire you will who did harder work, and liked it better, acquaint the Bishop of Lichfield with his being than George III. It is possible enough promoted to the See of Worcester, and Dr. that, as a lad under the leading strings of Hurd to that of Lichfield; the Bishop of the Princess Dowager and Mr. Stone, he Bangor is, I believe, now certainly dead, which will occasion a promotion that will certainly may have lounged and sauntered, because open a small bishoprick for the Dean of Can he had little to do except lounge and saunterbury, who, having good preferments, can be ter. No literary habits had been cultivated contented with any that may be conferred on in him, as we perceive by his marvellous him.' (Vol. i. p. 218.) spelling (which, however, was not a bit worse than that of many a fashionable gentleman and lady of his time), and probably all literary amusement was withheld from It is not probable that the good Bishop of him. No object of interest was presented to Winchester will live many hours: Lord North attract his attention and employ his time. will therefore, as soon as he hears of his death, His example shows how erroneous it is acquaint the Bishop of Worcester of my ap to judge the character of the future pointing him to the See of Winchester, and the Bishop of Litchfield to that of Worcester. man from the accidental habits of the Lord Hertford has already my directions to We are convinced that many a notify the Bishop of Litchfield as Clerk of the youth has been judged as harshly as Closet the moment he shall find that the pre- Prince George, because, having nothing to sent possessor is no more. As to the various occupy his mind or inspire him with energy, translations that this may occasion, I desire Ld. he appeared listless, indifferent, and lazy. North will consult the Archbishop of Canter- In the case of George III., his preceptors bury. I owne I think Dr. Horne ought to be were greatly to blame for not having the new Bishop; Dr. Graham ought to wait for either Bristol, Landaff, or Carlisle. If he strengthened and expanded a mind, naturcan be told that he will have the first of those ally quick, shrewd, and eager, by a discithree that become vacant, he cannot fail of pline which would have corrected both his resting contented.' (Vol. ii. p. 368.) prejudices and his obstinacy. Despite this neglect, circumstances increased the native shrewdness and developed the latent energy of his disposition.

The royal solicitude for the great school which flourished under the protection of Royalty is evinced by the following let

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LORD NORTH, I have this instant received your letter. You will recollect that, when I told you that I thought the Provost of Eton was likely to die, I desired you would, whenever that happened, recollect that I wished it might be given to the man whose literary tallents might make the appointment respectable. cannot fairly look on Dr. Dampier as exactly answering that character; besides, for a young man, he is greatly preferred. I would much rather give him a deanery than put him where the person pitched upon ought either to have years or avowed tallents; sure it would be very

hard on Dr. Roberts.

I shall therefore only consent to Dr. Davies for the vacant Cannonry [sic] of Windsor, and leave the rest open till you have reconsidered it, for Eton should not be bestowed by favour, but by merit.' (Vol. ii. pp. 394, 395.)

These citations prove that the indolence which had been imputed to the young son of Frederic Prince of Wales was corrected in later years by the conscientiousness of the King and the responsibilities of his position. In no station of life, perhaps, throughout his dominions, was there a man

boy.

We now turn to those letters which exhibit in the strongest light the King's resolute opinions on the most important events of Lord North's Administration, viz. the conflict with the City arising out of the dispute with Wilkes, and the conduct of curious retrospect in modern English histhe American War. There is no more tory than that of London in the early part of George III.'s reign as compared with the London of the present day. In those days the great merchants and bankers lived within a stone's throw of the Exchange which had witnessed the origin of their fortunes. They did not dream of using the City only as a place of business to be visited for five or six hours in the daytime, and then abandoned for a West-end mansion or a suburban villa. All the energy, spirit, and independence which characterised the commercial leaders of the Metropolis were concentrated within the sound of Bow Bells. The Court of Aldermen, instead of recruiting its ranks from the retail dealers and tradesmen of Cornhill and Cheapside, enlisted into the Corporation merchants like Beckford who had property in the West Indies or country gentlemen like Wilkes. Such a class of men, combining opulence with intelligence and power, was

predisposed to very liberal views in politics. whole House, except Alderman Sawbridge, AlIt regarded itself as deprived of its just derman Oliver, and Sir Joseph Mawbey, joined political influence. Some few of its mem- in condemning the conduct of the Lord Mayor, bers had bought boroughs; but, as a class, and in asserting the privilege of the House, which, if not in an exemplary manner supportit was not powerful in Parliament, was ed on this occasion, must annihilate [sic] the powerless in the counties, and was, of House of Commons, and thus put an end to the course, insignificant at Court: its Liberal- most excellent form of Government which has ism, therefore, was extreme. The City was been established in this kingdom. Go on with for the first twenty years of George III.'s resolution, and this affair will be happily conreign the focus of opposition to the Court, cluded. It occurs to me that the mode of conand teemed with resentful remonstrances ducting the Lord Mayor ought to be well conon occasions which strange as it may sidered, that no rescue may ensue. Might not sound to modern ears - provoked courtly the conducting him by water be the most priaddresses from Manchester and Birming-vate manner?" (Vol. i. p. 65.) ham. "It is impossible," writes the King (Letter 311)," to draw up a more dutiful and affectionate address than the one from the town of Manchester, which really gives me pleasure as it comes unsolicited. On the unfortunate dispute in which the House of Commons became entangled with the City about the arrest of one of its servants the King wrote thus warmly :

'Queen's House, March 17th, 1771.

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'LORD NORTH, Though I sent Lord Hillsborough to you with my opinion, that, as the Lord Mayor has presumed to set the privilege of the House of Commons of ordering printers to be brought to the bar at nought, and even to issue a warrant for committing the Messenger to the Compter for executing the duty of his office, the authority of the House of Commons is totally annihilated if it is not in an exempla ry manner supported to-morrow by instantly committing the Lord Mayor and Alderman Oliver to the Tower; as to Wilkes, he is below the notice of the House.' (Vol. i. p. 64.)

These protracted debates must have been very wearisome to the royal mind, which, doubtless, regarded such an effusion of words as a grave impediment to business, and saw its own way clearer. But even while his indignation at the insolence of the Lord Mayor made him impatient of any delay in punishing him, the King showed by the following letter that he had taken the full measure of another and more conspicuous agitator than Brass Crosby:

'Queen's House, March 20th, 1771. 55 min. pt. 9 a. m.

'LORD NORTH, I am sorry the business of committing the Lord Mayor could not be concluded last night, for every delay in a breach of privilege of so enormous a kind seems to indicate to the bystander a less attachment in the House of Commons to its own authority than every well-wisher can desire; besides, whatever time is given to the Lord Mayor is in reality allowing consultation and plans of disturbance to the factious. I owne I could have wished that Wilkes had not been ordered before the House, for he must be in a jail the next term if not given new life by some punishment inflicted on him, which will bring him 'You know very well I was averse to med-new supplies; and I do not doubt he will hold dling with the printers, but now there is no retracting; the honour of the Commons must be supported.' (Vol. i. p. 64.)

At the same time the following paragraph shows the very sensible view the King had taken of the origin of the quarrel : ·

Again, when the question of ordering the Lord Mayor to attend in his place next night had given rise to one of the most acrimonious debates of the Session, and had been carried by the friends of privilege, the King shows how earnest his own feelings were in the following letter: —

Queen's House, March 19th, 1771.
'3 min. pt. 9 a. m.

"LORD NORTH, -The conduct of the majority seems to have been of that firm and dig nified kind which becomes those that are on right ground. I am not surprized that the

such a language that will oblige some notice to be taken of him.' (Vol. i. p. 66.)

The Speaker, be it remembered, had thrice ordered Wilkes to attend; and Wilkes had thrice refused to attend except in his own place as a Member. This contumacy the House, warned by past experience, was too wise to visit with punishment, and ultimately allowed the order to drop. This, as the King justly surmised, must have been a sad disappointment to Wilkes.

We now proceed to cite those letters and paragraphs which illustrate the King's sanguine obstinacy in continuing the struggle with the American Colonies. This corre spondence abounds with them. The first letter which we shall quote was written

after the reception of the news that the peo- | nent of Europe; again, he would bring the ple of Boston had boarded the teaships of Americans to terms by casting them off as felthe East India Company in the harbour, low-subjects, and not suffering even a boat to had flung overboard their contents to the go in or out of their harbours. Out of Boston value of 18,000l., and had tarred and feath- his power was at an end.' ered several adherents of the Government:

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'Queen's House, Feb. 4th, 1774.
46 min. pt. 6 p.m.

'LORD NORTH, Since you left me this day, I have seen Lieutenant-General Gage, who came to express his readiness, though so lately come from America, to return at a day's notice, if the conduct of the Colonies should induce the directing coercive measures. His language was very consonant to his character of an honest determined man. He says they will be lyons, whilst we are lambs; but, if we take the resolute part, they will undoubtedly prove very meck. He thinks the four regiments intended to relieve as many regiments in America, if sent to Boston, are sufficient to prevent any disturbance. I wish you would see him, and hear his ideas as to the mode of compelling Boston to submit to whatever may be thought necessary; indeed, all men seem now to feel that the fatal compliance in 1766 has encouraged the Americans annually to encrease in their pretensions to that thorough independency which one state has of another, but which is quite subversive of the obedience which a colony owes to its mother country.' (Vol. i. p. 164.)

The fatal compliance in 1766 to which the King refers was the Repeal of the Stamp Act; an Act only so far faulty that it did not concede enough. Burke speaks of its enactment as an event which caused more 'universal joy throughout the British dominions than perhaps any other that can be remembered.'

On these proposals the King writes thus:

'Queen's House, November 19th, 1774. '17 min. pt. 3 p.m.

'LORD NORTH, - I return the private letters received from Lieut.-General Gage; his idea of suspending the Acts appears to me the most absurd that can be suggested. The people are ripe for mischief, upon which the mothercountry adopts suspending the measures she has thought necessary: this must suggest to the Colonies a fear that alone prompts them to present violence; we must either master them or totally leave them to themselves and treat them as aliens. I do not by this mean to insinuate that I am for advice [sic] [advising] new measures; but I am for supporting those already undertaken.' (Vol. i. p. 216.)

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Again when he had received an intimation that the famous Olive-branch' mission was contemplated by the Colonists his opinions find expresion in these terms:

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'Queen's House, February 15th, 1775. '6 min. pt. 10 a.m. 'LORD NORTH, I take this method of returning the secret letter from Maryland. The author seems to be a spirited man, and well adapted to the difficulties he may meet with; but where violence is with resolution repelled it commonly yields, and I owne, though a thorough friend to holding out the olive branch, I have not the smallest doubt that, if it does not succeed, that when once vigorous measures appear to be the only means left of bringing the Americans to a due submission to the mother country, that the Colonies will submit.' (Vol. p. 229.)

The next letter was written on a proposal made by General Gage that the Penal Acts against the Colonists should be repeal-i. ed. Mr. Donne quotes the following passage from Bancroft which testifies to the multiplicity of the General's difficulties and his expedients:

Gage (says Mr. Bancroft *), who came flushed with confidence in an easy victory, at the end of four months was careworn, disFeartened, and appalled. With the forces under his command, he hoped for no more than to pass the winter unmolested. At one moment, a suspension of the Penal Acts was his favourite advice, which the King ridiculed as senseless; at the next he demanded an army of twenty thousand men, to be composed of Canadian recruits, Indians, and hirelings from the conti

*Bancroft, Hist. of U. S., vol. vi. p. 70.

When the struggle had become more obstinate and more desperate the King's aversion to the dismemberment of the empire found expression in the following not very elegantly composed or accurately spelt but perfectly intelligible sentence:

'If Lord North can see with the same degree of enthusiasm I do the beauty, excellence, and perfection of the British constitution as by law established, and consider that, if any one branch of the empire is alowed [sic] to cast off its dependency, that the others will infalably [sic] follow the example, that consequently, though an arduous struggle, that is worth going through any difficulty to preserve to latest posterity what the wisdom of our ancestors have

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