Take a much humbler well-known illustration. Take an ordinary row boat, allow the crew to fight among themselves, or suppose the rowers determine to pull in opposite directions. It is needless to say there would be much agitation of the water, but little or no satisfactory progress.

These several illustrations will bring out the well established fact, that to the extent that conflict is provoked, satisfactory results are lessened; and that under all ordinary circumstances, conflict is a wasteful expenditure of force. This rule must apply to political and national affairs as to everything else; and viewing the question before us from all points, we are led to the conclusion that there is no logical justification for partyism in this age. In order to supersede partyism, it is not at all necessary to broach any new doctrine, revolutionary in its character. In reality the opposite is the case. The desire is to maintain the institution of parliament and make it more efficient, more perfect and more stable. The design is to realize the ideal national assembly in which every elector may have an equal voice. The aim is to maintain all that is good in the parliamentary system of government, and take away all that is defective and bad; to remove the worn out vestures of the past which are ill adapted to the growth of the nineteenth century. The great primary object is to establish unity and promote amity, and thus remove far from us the desolation which proceeds from, a "kingdom divided against itself.”

In my humble judgment the question of parliamentary representation is capable of scientific treatment, and it is safe to say that if so treated, partyism, as it now exists, with its baneful influences and demoralizing effects, would irrevocably be swept away. There are few questions

which more deeply affect society and civilization. In the heat of party warfare it cannot be discussed fruitfully, and it is only in the intervals between conflicts, or under conditions removed from the struggle that calm reflection will avail. This question is the great problem of to-day ; it has the strongest possible claim on the attention of every well-wisher of his country who has the qualifications to consider it carefully and dispassionately. I fear it has small chance of being so considered by those who place party triumph higher than country, or who regard fealty to party more binding than the laws of the decalogue. Such men are wanting in intellectual freedom to approach this subject appreciatively. Even those whose relations with political organizations are not close, so far as they are partisans are they wanting in the qualifications necessary to take a disinterested view of it? There are many men with whom party advancement and success have been the ruling motives; such men will naturally have a settled unwillingness to part company with old associations and the party spirit inherent to them. They will cling with tenacity to their deeply rooted habit of thought. They will extol the advantages of party government. They will reiterate that government by party is the only possible means of carrying on representative institutions. They will declare that the abolition of party would mean an end of all order and progress, and would prove the beginning of general desolation. Certain it is that government by party will never be reformed from within, and we may be well assured that every honest attempt to effect a change will be ridiculed as utopian or branded as a mischievous innovation. True partisans are not the men to yield without a struggle. They will never pull down their own ramparts and surrender their own citadel. The stronghold of partyism can only be sapped and mined by the slow process of public education, and eventually demolished through the common sense of the nation.

Whatever the present political condition, we may rest satisfied that the great heart of Canada is sound. We may depend upon it that so soon as the nation comes to understand the true nature of the malady, and that a remedy is possible and applicable, from that moment party government will be doomed.

There is but one cure for the disease under which we suffer. Laws may be passed to prevent scandals begotten of party exigencies; but ways will be found to elude them, let them be ever so stringent, so long as partyism exists. There is a rankling sore in the body politic. We may *heal an ulcer on the surface, but the ulcer is but one of the symptoms, and so long as the deepseated disease remains it will again break out in another spot or appear in another form. The true physician directs his attention to the source of the ailment, and by proper treatment removes the first cause of the evil and thus purifies the whole system. In this national matter in order to

succeed, the same course must be followed; and whenever the mind of the nation becomes satisfied that it is the only effective means of getting rid of our political evils, then, and not till then, will partyism be dethroned.

How is the mind of the nation to be reached on this cardinal problem? The national mind is made up of many indivdual minds, each one of which is a minute fraction of the whole. These fractional parts must in the first place be moulded and instructed by men of rectitude, whose powers have been matured by study and observation, men who are watchful of the highest interests of the people. What class better qualified by the nature of their calling for this noble and patriotic duty, than teachers, both lay and clerical, throughout the land? Obviously we must look mainly to the school, the college and the pulpit for the agencies to enlighten and elevate the individual mind, and, through the individual, the collective mind of the nation. We must first form private opinion, from which public opinion will slowly and surely form itself.

It may be objected that ministers of the gospel should not meddle with politics. If politics, degenerating into partyism, have become vicious and impure, so much the more is it the imperative duty of clergymen to employ every proper means to promote a sound and healthy moral tone for the benefit of the community. Is not Canada a Christian land? Does not the census inform us that, with the exception of a few tribes of Pagan Indians and a few hundred Jews, we are from sea to sea all Christians? On what ground then should a Christian teacher be debarred from assuming all the duties of his office? Can he indeed throw off the grave responsibility which rests upon him? Can he neglect the high duty of using every opportunity to restore public life to a healthy and more upright character? Merely party issues in which no moral element is involved should be absolutely excluded from every pulpit discourse; but a great question, such as this, in which the public morality, the purity, the honour and the lasting welfare of the whole nation is involved, should be fearlessly dealt with by every clergyman in the land. The influence of the pulpit has been and always will be great, and no better or more effective means can be found of enlightening the masses and elevating public opinion to a higher level. It was written a century ago: "the true cure for darkness is the introduction of light." Who better able to introduce light than those who have obtained its possession—the wise and the learned? Who more fitted to purge politics of its evils than those whose lives have been dedicated to morality and uprightness?

In this young country it is only in harmony with nature that everything should be in a condition of healthy growth. I know of no reason why our parliamentary system should not partake of the general improvement and advancement. At Ottawa a corner of the curtain has been raised sufficiently high to admit of our seeing evidences of fundamental defects in governmental methods, and traces of grave obstacles to our progressive well being. I ask should it not be the earnest aim of every Canadian with the true patriotic spirit to seek to eradicate these defects and remove every obstacle which retards our growth and elevation as a people.

If this be a Christian country surely the entire moral code of Christianity should be binding on all, and on none more than our law-makers. It is of unspeakable importance that we should find effective means to purify the fountain of legislation. It is a matter of public economy, public morality and public honour, and our hopes must rest on the three great educational factors which I have named. In this question, is involved the first and last needs of the Dominion, and we must appeal to our best teachers of all creeds and in all places to set about the task of lifting politics out of partyism into a loftier and healthier atmosphere. True, there are enormous difficulties to be overcome, but the task is as noble as it is necessary and it is rendered nobler even if more difficult by the fact that we shall look in vain for a precedent, no other nation having led the way in any successful attempt to bring parliament up to its true ideal condition. The scientific movement of the nineteenth century has accomplished marvellous success, it has been crowned with peaceful victories far more wonderful and far more glorious than military conquests. If, in the new field, the calm voices of science and of reason can be heard through the din of

party strife, it may be that Canada will do something to accomplish her destiny, by establishing a precedent which all nations possessing free institutions may follow.

We remember the familiar phrase "Canada first." These two short words have a strong sterling ring about them. Let Canada be the first in a movement towards a rectification of the national administration, and a recognition of happier political methods. Let the sons of Canada determine to be first in all that is good, to be in the front rank of the great family of British nations. What loftier ambition can we have than to elevate our country, and present Canada before all the nations of the earth, a bright example of vigorous, upright youth, in every respect worthy of the historic races from which we spring?

PLAN FOR MINORITY REPRESENTATION.

By Prof. J. R. Commons in "Review of Reviews," Vol. IV., 1891.

One of the features of the Australian ballot reform is the provision whereby parties or groups of men, whose numbers give them little political significance, can yet secure representation upon the common public ballots. This provision, however, is incidental to the character of the Australian ballot, and was not the main argument for the striking popular approval of that measure. It was the promise of freedom from bribery and corruption that led to this approval. The American people are not yet sufficiently alive to the rights of minorities to make thoughtful efforts to bring about minority or proportional representation for its own sake. Yet if some plan at once simple and efficient were devised, it is probable that the advantages of such representation would be clearly brought to view. If you can show how to do a good thing, it doesn't take long for the people to see why it should be done. The difficulty with all projects of minority representation has been their awkwardness. It requires a professor of mathematics to apply them. They are not suited to the rough needs of our democratic mass-meetings. This is true of the Hare system, the only one that has received anything like wide attention. This system is now employed in the election of alumni trustees for Amherst and Harvard Colleges, where its unwieldiness is not apparent, since these elections are conducted by correspondence. What is wanted is a plan that can be used not only in elections for college trustees, but in turbulent political meetings, in all kinds of conventions, societies, and corporations, so that the plan can become a part of the popular habit, just as the motion for the previous question or the distinction between the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government is a part of popular habit or way of thinking. In this way such a plan could gradually grow into favor and finally win its way into the highest political organizations, such as Congress and the legislatures.

Among the multitude of new things proposed or adopted at the recent state convention of the People's party of Ohio was a plan for minority representation which seems to meet these requirements. This plan was devised by Dr. L. Tuckerman, an alumnus of Amherst College, and a prominent Nationalist and labor reformer of Cleveland, Ohio. Dr. Tuckerman has been experimenting upon this plan and perfecting it for several years. He had a definite project before him; how to harmonize and unite the different incongruous labor elements of the city of Cleveland, such as Nationalists, Socialists, Knights of Labor, Trades Unionists, etc. Under the current plan of elections, the result of attempts to unite such elements resulted in something as follows: Suppose that at a union meeting of these organizations it was voted to elect a committee of five to draft a series of resolutions. Each clique would put forward its own ticket. But only one ticket could be elected. This might include representatives of the two strongest elements, but those which were in the minority would be left out. Consequently a bolt and hopeless antagonisms would be the result. This evil of unrestricted majority-rule is apparent especially in political conventions. Suppose we have a convention of one hundred delegates, divided into two

factions. It is proposed to elect a committee of five for some purpose. If one faction numbers fifty-five delegates and the other forty-five, the first faction will elect the entire committee and the faction numbering almost half, will have no voice in moulding or tempering the action of the convention. Their only recourse is to bolt, and thus risk the defeat of their party altogether. The evil is recognized by our political conventions, and recourse is taken to the Czar-like policy of putting the nominations of committees in the hands of the chairman. As a result the minority gets representation, but it is in the person of some insignificant figure, who is wholly ignored by the strong characters of the majority. The committees of the American House of Representatives offer an exhibition of this fact.

The Tuckerman plan provides for weighing the choices of each elector. If there are five offices to be filled the elector writes on his ballot the names of five candidates in the order of his preference. Then the tellers, in counting the ballots, allot to each name on the ballot a weight of choice corresponding to the position held by that name on the ballot. Thus if the candidates A, B, C, D, E, are written on a single ballot in the order given, candidate A will have five units credited to him, candidate B will have four units, C three units, D two units, and E one unit. After all the ballots are counted the units opposite the names of the candidates are added up, and the five having the highest number of units are declared elected. Thus only one ballot is required to elect five officers. Continuing the example given, suppose the candidates A, B, C, D, E are voted for in the order named by each of the fifty-five delegates. weight of choice would be as follows:

The

But candidates F, G, H, I, K receive the support of the minority of forty-five electors. The proponderance of choice will run :

Consequently the successful candidates are A, B, C, F, and G. The majority faction has three representatives, and the minority has two-their first and second choice. According to the current method they would have been unrepresented: but with this plan they can in no possible way be excluded so long as they number one-fifth of the total electors. In such case their first choice would receive one hundred units, bringing him in ahead of the fifth choice of the majority.

In the manifold applications of the plan there would be variations from the examples given, but the principle is eminently simple. Its results are about the same as those of the Hare system, so far as the representation of the minority is concerned-in fact the plan is merely a simplification of that method. It differs from the Hare plan in the device of employing the units to compare the weight of choice, and thereby does away with recounting the ballots and dropping the names of the lower candidates on the scale. Its best results are found in the election of boards and committees consisting of more than one member. But where only one officer is to be chosen, as president or chairman, the gain comes in the prevention of a deadlock, and this is no small gain, because, as every one knows, it is in the attempt to break a deadlock that our legislatures in electing senators have been the scenes of bargaining and bribery.

In municipal, state or national elections for representative assemblies, the operation of the

plan would be the same, and can be illustrated by taking the typical example of a state house of representatives. Let the State for the purpose of electing members of the lower house be divided into districts of such a number that each district would elect five representatives, this being the most convenient number. Then each elector would vote for five representatives in the order of his choice, with the result above shown in the election of committees. If there were three parties

in the field, it is probable that the third party wonld elect members from different districts, by means of this cumulative voting, and the state legislature would be in fact an exact mirror of public opinion.

Among the other advantages of the general adoption of this plan might be mentioned the following:

It would prevent one-man rule such as that exercised by the Speaker of the House of Representatives. Committees could be elected on a general ticket at a single balloting. Minorities would have no excuse for bolting conventions, since they would have their ablest men on the committees. Committees would be truly representative. This would also prevent many of the opportunities for ring rule in politics.

Electors of a minority or third party, besides securing their own first choice, could throw some weight in the scale between the candidates of the other parties.

In the case of private corporations this plan would seem to offer the means of avoiding some of the most flagrant abuses. It furnishes a very simple device for cumulative voting for directors and officers.

Finally, the freedom from machine rule, and the possibility of selecting the ablest men of the community without recourse to bargains, is one of the first necessities for the reform of our politics. Cumulative voting and minority representatives would bring this about. If this kind of voting can be simplified, as it has been done by Dr. Tuckerman, there seem to be conclusive reasons for adopting it. Perhaps in the election of city councils and boards of aldermen is the place to begin.

PARTY SPIRIT AND ITS VICES.

By E. de Laveleye, from "Democratic Government," 1891.

THE SPIRIT OF PARTY AND ITS DEFECTS.

The spirit of party is the necessary motive power of the representative system, and is at the same time its scourge, when institutions in place of combating its excesses aid in its development by the offer of encouragement and reward.

The spirit of party resembles the spirit of sect; it calls into being a special conscience which believes everything permissible for the good cause. The faults of friends are never avowed; they are never even perceived. The good faith of its adversaries can never be admitted. On their side are only seen fraud, falsehood, injustice, perfidious plots. The desire is to repress them, or without pity to strike them down; because while they were leading to the abyss of ruin, on the other side the true interests of the country were being defended. With the republican every monarchist is an obscurantist, an abettor of despotism, one full of ambition greedy for favour, an ignoble soul aspiring for servitude. For the monarchist every republican is an apostle of disorder, a disciple of guillotine-the grandson of Marat. Parties engaged in this contest, under the form adapted to the political manners of our days, are nothing else than those hordes of antiquity who in the heart of the forest disputed for their prey, or the factions which fought with arms in their hands in the Italian republics of the middle age.