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there as hostages for the peaceable deportment of their followers. Some of the most refractory were even thrown into irons and confined on board the ships, whilst others were treated with a kindness which soon substituted the ties of affectionate allegiance for those of compulsion and terror. On reaching Dumbarton, the King considered his labours at an end, and giving orders for the fleet to proceed by their former course to Leith, travelled to court, only to become exposed to the renewed enmity of his nobles."

Gregory is more particular in some of the details of this royal expedition, and informs us that Donald Mackay of Strathnaver was seized "without much difficulty." From Sutherland "the fleet proceeded to the Isle of Lewis, where Ruari Macleod, with his principal kinsmen, met the King, and were made to accompany him in his further progress. The west coast of the Isle of Skye was next visited; and Alexander Macleod of Dunvegan, lord of that part of the island, was constrained to embark in the royal fleet. Coasting round by the north of Skye, the King came to the district of Trouterness, so lately desolated by the Chief of Sleat. Here various chieftains, claiming their descent from the ancient Lords of the Isles, came to meet their Sovereign-particularly John Moydertach, captain of the Clanranald, Alexander of Glengarry, and other of 'Ma Coneyllis kyn.' These chieftains hoped to secure the royal favour by coming to meet the King before the course of his voyage led him to their own districts. From Trouterness James proceeded, by the coast of Ross, to Kintail, where he was joined by the Chief of the Mackenzies; and then sailing southwards by the Sound of Sleat, he visited, in succession, the Isles of Mull and Isla, and the districts of Kintyre and Knapdale, taking with him, on his departure, Hector Maclean of Dowart, and James Macdonald of Isla, the two principal leaders in the south Isles. It is not the least remarkable circumstance connected with this important expedition, that the Earl of Argyle had no prominent command, if, indeed, he was employed at all, which is very doubtful."

Some of these Island lords were soon after set at liberty on giving hostages for their peaceful behaviour, while the more turbulent of them were kept in confinement until some time after the King's death in 1542. The Lordship of the Isles, with North and South Kintyre, were, as part of the King's policy towards the Islanders, in 1540, inalienably annexed to the Crown. The long cherished hopes of the western chiefs to establish the Lordship in its ancient glory were thus for the time blasted, and a long peace in those remote regions was expected to succeed the successful voyage of the King; but these expectations were soon disappointed, for, two years after, James V. died in the flower of his age, when he was succeeded by his infant daughter, the unfortunate Mary, during whose reign Scotland was so much distracted, not only by foreign aggression, but by domestic feuds among the powerful factions that contended so keenly for power during her minority.

During the rule of this chief Donald Dubh again makes his escape from prison, is proclaimed Lord of the Isles, and supported by all the vassals of the ancient Lordship in a second rebellion, the particulars of which will be given in our next.

(To be Continued.)

SONG BY JEROME STONE.

DEAR MR EDITOR,-Some time ago I wrote two or three papers in the Inverness Courier on Jerome Stone and his MS, collection of Fingalian ballads and other Gaelic poetry, taken down by him, from oral recitation, in the Highlands of Perthshire, between the years 1745-55. I was able to speak as authoritatively as was possible on the subject, being in possession for the time, by the kindness of a literary friend, of Stone's original manuscript, in many respects an exceedingly interesting and valuable volume. Jerome Stone, however, was something very much more than a mere collector of old Gaelic ballads: he was an excellent classical scholar, and familiar enough with French, Italian, and Spanish to translate the lyrical poetry of these languages into English verse with an easy elegance and evidently keen appreciation of the merits of the originals, highly creditable at once to his linguistic talents, critical judgment, and good taste. But Stone was something more even than the interpreter and translator of the poetry of others: he was a poet himself, or rather, to be more correct, he wrote original poetry with so much elegance of thought and expression, and with such an easy flow and ready mastery of versification, that had he been spared for a score of years longer (he died in his thirtieth year), he would, we have little hesitation in believing, have earned for himself a position of mark amongst the poets of his time. Stone's MS. volume is about to pass from our possession, and before parting with it I transcribe the following verses for publication in the Celtic Magazine, if you can make room for them. They are not only interesting as being Jerome Stone's; but they are very beautiful in themselves, and all the more captivating because of a certain subtle quaintness and prettily managed archaic turn of phrase, which reminds us at times of Pope in his lighter mood, and more frequently of Wither, Surrey, Herrick, and that class of sixteenth century song writers. The verses, you will observe, are addressed to "Monessia." On making inquiry I find that there is a place called Monessie in the parish of Logierait, not far from Stone's residence at Dunkeld, and it was probably to some fair damsel, the daughter of the then tacksman of Monessie, that the following verses were composed. I send them to you, Mr Editor, because I have always been warmly interested in the success of the Celtic Magazine, on whose continued prosperity and still widening popularity I take leave very heartily to congratulate you.-Yours very faithfully,

SEPTEMBER 1880.

"NETHER-LOCHABER."

MONESSIA: A SONG. By JEROME STONE (1747).

Assist, ye friendly powers of love,

Who see my ardent flame,
And bear me to some silent grove,
To sound Monessia's name :

H

Monessia, fairer than the blooms

That clothe the verdant spring,
Whose beauty all my soul o'ercomes,
Invites her swain to sing.

May every wind as hushed as death,
Enraptured hear my strains,
Nor flowing gale's officious breath
Disturb the listening swains.
Ye winged guardians of the sky,
Join your harmonious lays,
And breathe ecstatic notes while I
Resound the charmer's praise!

Not all the virgins of the plains,
For charms admiréd most,
Though thousand lovers drag their chains,
Such charms as she can boast.

A virtuous mind in all its grace

Join'd to a seraph's form;

While heavenly mildness in her face
Sits blushing like the morn.

Not any

bloom on radiant rose

That paints the flow'ry field,

Can such a world of sweets disclose,

Or can such beauty yield.

Her cheeks the sister Graces dip

In their ambrosial dye;

While pleasure smiles on either lip,
And Love plays in her eye!

Ah! deign, fair maid, with friendly ear,
To list a lover's pain;

Nor when my plaintive song you hear,
Receive it with disdain.

Sure if you knew the pangs I feel,
Enraptured with your charms,

You would not clothe your heart in steel,
Nor thrust me from your arms,

For while I gaze o'er all your face,
In sweetest transport drown'd,
My soul is struck with every grace,
And feeds a mortal wound!
Here, prostrate, at your feet I'll lie,
And melt in grief and pain,
Until a love-glance from your eye
Bid me revive again!

MATCH-MAKING AMONG THE FRASERS.

In the good old days it was too commonly the custom among the upper classes in the Highlands, as well as in the Lowlands, for contracts of marriage to be entered into solely on political or territorial grounds, without any regard being paid to the personal feelings of the contracting parties, who indeed were often mere children at the time when their parents thus arbitarily disposed of their matrimonial future. That most unhappy effects should often result from such alliances cannot be wondered at; but seldom did they lead to such tragic results as the one of which the following is a truthful account.

In 1685 Hugh Fraser, Lord Lovat, on his marriage with the Lady Amelia Murray, daughter of John, first Marquis of Athole, made a somewhat curious marriage-contract to the effect that if he should have no son by his present wife, or by any subsequent marriage, the lordship and barony of Lovat, and all his other estates, should go to his eldest heirfemale, without division, provided she should marry a gentleman of the name of Fraser. Whether Lord Lovat had a glimpse of the future by means of the second sight or not when he made this settlement, true it is that he had no son. He had, however, four daughters, the eldest of whom, named Amelia after her mother, was thus the heiress to all the extensive estates of Lovat. But in March 1696, about six months before his death, Lord Lovat changed his mind, and, making a will, disposed his property to his grand-uncle, Thomas Fraser of Beaufort and his heirs male. Whether he could legally do this in the face of the previous settlement under his marriage-contract is, however, an open question. When her father died, in 1696, the heiress was a child of some eleven years, yet even at that early age her grandfather, the Marquis of Athole, arranged a contract of marriage between her and the Master of Saltoun, the eldest son of Lord Saltoun, a lad of about thirteen years of age, no doubt with the view of gaining sufficient influence by this marriage to secure her in the possession of the Lovat property against the counter claims of the Frasers of Beaufort,

Naturally the proposed alliance was regarded with great disfavour by the above-named Thomas Fraser, and urged on by his son, Simon (afterwards the notorious Lord Lovat, executed for high treason in 1747), he determined, by using every means in his power, to prevent the match from taking place.

To this end they first secured the valuable co-operation and countenance of Charles, Lord Fraser (now represented by the Frasers of Inverallochy), by working upon his political sentiments. Being a fervid Jacobite, this gentleman was easily led to believe that Lord Saltoun would use the additional power, which the contemplated marriage would give him, in opposition to the restoration of the Stuarts to the throne. The opponents of the proposed marriage having gained over Lord Fraser to their side, their next step was to get a number of the principal men of the clan to assemble at Essich, on the Stratherrick road, about four miles from Inverness, where they arranged that Lord Fraser should meet them and make a speech, pointing out what a severe master they would find in

Lord Saltoun, if his son was allowed to marry the heiress of Lovat, and urging them to support the claims of the Frasers of Beaufort to the succession. Having by these means gained the good-will and services of these gentlemen of the clan, the Frasers began to take bolder steps, and sent a threatening letter to Lord Saltoun, ordering him, at his peril, not to come into that part of the country without their leave and invitation. As may be supposed, Lord Saltoun took no notice of this insolent message, and shortly afterwards paid a visit to the Dowager Lady Lovat at Castle Downie, in reference to the marriage of her daughter; but al though Lord Saltoun disdained to take any precautions for his own safety, it was deemed advisable that the young bride-elect should be placed for the present under the protection of her grandfather, the Marquis of Athole.

Evidently not anticipating any molestation, Lord Saltoun set out from Castle Downie on his return journey to Inverness, accompanied only by one friend, Lord Mungo Murray, and their usual attendants. They proceeded in safety until they reached the wood of Bunchrew, in passing through which they were suddenly set upon by Fraser of Beaufort and his son Simon, at the head of fifty armed men. Resistance to such an overwhelming force was out of the question, and they were quickly captured, dismounted, and disarmed, and compelled to remount on wretched little ponies, or gearrans, as they were called by the country people. In this miserable plight they were taken to Finellan House, shut up, each in separate rooms, and treated with great harshness by the daring Thomas Fraser of Beaufort and his still more reckless son, who even had the audacity to erect a gallows before the house, in full sight of the unhappy prisoners, and threatened to hang them all unless Lord Saltoun would promise to proceed no further with the projected marriage.

Finding that even this terrible threat would not frighten Lord Saltoun into submission to their demands, and probably fearing a rescue, they, after five days had passed, removed their prisoners to Aigas, a small rocky island in the Beauly river. The Frasers of Beaufort then attacked and gained possession of Castle Downie, capturing at the same time the unfortunate Dowager Lady Lovat, whose atrocious and dastardly treatment at the hands of the brutal Simon Fraser is a well-known matter of history.

After gaining possession of Castle Downie, the Frasers of Beaufort removed their prisoners thither from Eilean-Aigas, and put the Castle in a state of defence. But their lawless proceedings now met with a check, a body of troops was sent against them, who soon retook the castle and relieved the prisoners, the Frasers having to seek safety in flight. Simon Fraser, not daring to appear and stand his trial, was, in his absence, declared guilty, and with nineteen of his companions in crime, sentenced to death on the 5th of September 1698. Notwithstanding this, Simon, who was as clever as he was unscrupulous, not only managed to evade this sentence, but in time procured the royal pardon for his other numerous misdeeds, and also succeeded in obtaining from the Court of Session a decision in favour of his claim to the title of Lord Lovat.

The daring opposition of the Frasers of Beaufort had, however, the effect of breaking off the match between the Lady Amelia and the Master of Saltoun, and five years afterwards, when in her sixteenth year, the young lady married Alexander Mackenzie of Prestonhall,

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