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pofition. Having taken it, I determined, as far as fhould depend upon me, to maintain it with mederation, perfeverance and firm nefs.

The confiderations which refpect the right to hold this conduct it is not neceffary on this occafion to detail. I will only obferve, that according to my understanding of the matter, that right, fo far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which juftice and humanity impose on every nation in cafes in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.

The inducements of intereft for obferving that conduct will beft be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me a predominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to fettle and mature its yet recent inftitutions, and to progrefs without interruption, to that degree of ftrength and confiftency, which is neceflary to give it, humanly fpeaking, the command of its own for

tunes.

Though in reviewing the incidents of adminiftration I am unconfcious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too fenfible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently befeech th Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I fhall alfo carry with me the hope that my country will never ceafe to view them with indulgence; and that after forty

five years of my life dedicated to its fervice, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be configned to oblivion, as myself must foon be to the mansions of rest.

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is fo natural to a man who views in it the native foil of himself and his progenitors for feveral generations, I anticipate with pleafing expectation that retreat, in which I promife myfelf to realize, without alloy, the fweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midft of my fellow citizens, the benign influence of good laws, under a free government, the ever favourite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I truft of our mutual cares, labours, and dangers.

G. WASHINGTON. United States, Sept. 17, 1796.

Note from the French Envoy, Citizen Adet, to the Executive Government of America.

THE undersigned minifter plenipotentiary of the French republic, in conformity to the order of his government, has the honour of tranfmitting to the fecretary of ftate of the United States, a refolution taken by the executive government of the French republic, on the 14th Meflidor, 4th year, relative to the conduct which the fhips of war of the republic are to hold towards neutral veffels. The flag of the republic will treat the flag of neutrals in the fame manner as they fhall fuffer it to be treated by the English.

The fentiments which the American government have manifested to the underfigned minifter plenipotentiary,

potentiary, do not permit him to doubt, that they will fee in its true light this meafure, as far as it may concern the United States; and that they will alfo feel, that it is dictated by imperious circumftances, and approved by juftice. Great Britain during the war the has carried on against the republic, has not ceafed ufing every means in her power to add to that fcourge fcourges ftill more terrible. She has ufed the well-known liberality of the French nation to the detriment of that nation. Knowing how faithful France has always been in the obfervance of her treaties; knowing that it was a principle of the republic to respect the flags of all nations, the British government, from the beginning of the war, has caufed neutral veffels, and in particular American veffels, to be detained, taken them into their ports, and dragged from them Frenchmen and French property. France bound by a treaty with the United States, could find only a real difadvantage in the articles of that treaty, which caused to be refpected as American property English property found on board American veffels. They had a right, under this confideration, to expect that America would take fteps in favour of her violated neutrality. One of the predeceffors of the underfigned, in July 1793, ap. plied on this fubject to the government of the United States; but he was not fuccessful. Nevertheless the national convention, who, by their decree of the 9th of May, 1793, had ordered the feizure of enemy's property on board neutral veffels, declaring, at the fame time, that the measure should ceafe when the English fhould refpe&t neutral flags, had excepted, on the VOL. XXXVIII,

23d of the fame month, the Americans from the operation of this general order. But the convention was obliged foon to repeal the law which contained this exception fo favourable to Americans; the manner in which the English conducted themfeles, the manifeft' intention they had to ftop the exportation of provifion from America to France, rendered it unavoidable.

The national convention by this had reftored the equilibrium of neutrality which England had deftroyed; had discharged their duty in a manner juftified by a thoufand paft examples, as well as by the neceffity of the then exifting moment. They might, therefore, to recall the orders they had given to feize the enemy's property on board American veffels, have waited till the British government had first definitively revoked the fame order, a fufpenfion only of which was produced by the embargo laid by Congrefs the 26th of March, 1794. But as foon as they were informed that, under orders of the government of the United States, Mr. Jay was directed to remonftrate against the vexatious measures of the English, they gave orders, by the law of the 13th Nivofe, 3d year, to the thips of war of the republic to refpe&t American veffels; and the committee of public fafety, in their explanatory refolve of the 14th of the fame month, haftened to fanction the fame principles. The national convention and the committee of public safety had every reafon to believe, that this open and liberal conduct would determine the United States to use every effort to put a stop to the vexations impofed upon their commerce, to the injury of the French

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republic;

republic; they were deceived in this hope; and though the treaty of friendship, navigation, and commerce, between Great Britain and the United States had been signed fix weeks before France adopted the meature I have juft fpoken of, the English did not abandon the plan they had formed, and continued to ftop and carry into their ports all American veffels bound to French ports, or returning from

them.

This conduct was the fubje& of a note which the undersigned addrefied on the 7th Vendemaire, 4th year (29th September 1795, O. S.) to the fecretary of flate. The remontirances which it contained were founded on the duties of neutrality, upon the principles which Mr. Jefferson had laid down in his letter to Mr. Pinckney, dated the 15th September, 1794.

patches to the fecretary of ftate
of the 9th Germinal,
4th year
(29th March 1796, O. S.), 19th
Germinal (8th April 1796), and
1ft Floreal (20th April, 1796),
which have remained without an
anfwer.

The French government then finds itself, with refpect to America at the prefent time, in circumftances fimilar to thofe of the year 1795; and if it fees itfelf obliged to abandon, with refpect to them, and the neutral powers in general, the favourable line of conduct they purfued, and to adopt different meafures, the blame fhould fall upon the British government: it is their conduct which the French government has been obliged to follow.

The underfigned minifter plenipotentiary conceives it his duty to remark to the fecretary of ftate, that the neutral governments, or the allies of the republic, have nothing to fear as to the treatment of their flag by the French, fince if keeping within the bounds of their

Yet this note has remained without an aufwer, though recalled to the remembrance of the fecretary of fiate by a dispatch of the 9th Germinal, 4th year (29th March 1795, O. S); and American vel-neutrality, they cause the rights of ids bound to French ports, or re- that neutrality to be refpected by turning from thoa, bave ftill been the English, the republic will fcized by the English. Indeed refpect them. But if through weakcore; they have added a new vex-nels, partiality, or other motives, ation to thofe they had already they should fuffer the English to impofed upon the Americans; they fport with that neutrality, and turn have impleffed foamen from on it to their advantage, could they board merican vellels, and have then complain, when France, to thus found the means of firength- reflore the balance of neutrality to ening their crews at the expence its equilibrium, thall act in the of the Americans, without the go- fame manner as the English? No, vernment of the United States certainly; for the neutrality of a having made known to the under- nation confifts in granting to belfigned the feps they had taken to ligerent powers the fame advanobtain fatisfaction for this violation tages; and that neutrality no of neutrality, fo hurtful to the in- longer exits, when, in the courle terefts of France, as the under- of the war, that neutral nation figued bath fet. forth in his dif- grants to one of the belligerent

powers

powers advantages not ftipulated by treaties anterior to the war, or fuffers that power to feize upon them. The neutral government cannot then complain if the other belligerent power will enjoy advantages which its enemy enjoys, or if it feizes upon them; otherwife that neutral government would deviate, with respect to it, from the line of neutrality, and would become its enemy.

The underligned minifter plenipotentiary thinks it ufelefs further to develope thefe principles. He does not doubt that the fecretary of ftate feels all their force and that the government of the United States will maintain from all violation a neutrality which France has always refpected, and will always refpect, when her enemies do not make it turn to her detriment.

The undersigned minifter plenipotentiary embraces this opportunity of reiterating to the fecretary of ftate the affurance of his esteem, and informs him, at the fame time, that he will caufe this note to be printed, in order to make publicly known the motives which, at the prefent juncture, influence the French republic.

Done at Philadelphia, 6th Bru-
maire, 5th year of the French
Republic, one and indivifible.
(27th Oct. 1796, O. 8.)
(Signed)

P. A. ADET.

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French republic, concerning the commerce of neutral nations

This decree makes no diftin&ion between neutral powers, who can claim only the rights fecured to them by the law of nations, and others between whom' and the French republic treaties have impofed fpecial obligations. Where no treaties exift, the republic, by feizing and confifcating the property of their enemies found on board neutral veffels, would only exercife an acknowledged right under the law of nations. If, towards fuch neutral nations, the French republic has forborne to execute this right, the forbearance has been perfectly gratuitous. The United States by virtue of their treaty of commerce with France, ftand on different ground,

In the year 1778, France voe luntarily entered into a commercial treaty with us, on principles of perfect reciprocity, and exprefsly itipulating that free ships should make free goods. That is, if France fhould be at war with any nation with whom the United States fhould be at peace, the goods (except contraband) and the perfons of her enemies (foldiers in actual fervice excepted) found on board the veffels of the United States, were to be free from capture. That on the other hand, if the United States fhould engage in war with any nation, while France remained at peace, then the goods (except contraband) and the perfons of our enemies (foldiers in actual fervice excepted) found on board French veffels, were allo to be free from capture. This is plainly expreffed in the 23d article of that treaty, and demonftrates that the reciprocity thereby tipu

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lated was to operate at different periods; that is, at one time in favour of one of the contracting partics, and of the other at another time. At the present time, the United States being at peace, they poffefs by the treaty the right of carrying the goods of the enemies of France, without fubjecting them to capture. But what do the fpirit of the decree of the executive directory and the current of your obfervations require?-That the United States fhould now gratuitoufly renounce this right. And what reafon is affigned for denying to us the enjoyment of this right? Your own words furnish the anfwer: "France, bound by treaty to the United States, could find only a real disadvantage in the articles of that treaty, which caufed to be refpected, as American property, English property found on board American veffels." This requifition, and the reafon affigned to fupport it, alike excité furprize. The American government, fir, confcious of the purity of its intentions, of its impartial obfervance of the laws of neutrality, and of its inviolable regard to treaties, cannot for a moment admit, that it has forfeited the right to claim a reciprocal obfervance of ftipulations on the part of the French republic, whofe friendship moreover it has every reafon to cultivate with the moft perfect fincerity. This right, formerly infringed by a decree of the national convention, was recognized anew by the repeal of that decree. Why it fhould be again queftioned we are at a lofs to determine. We are ignorant of any new reftraints on our commerce by the British government; on the contrary, we pollels recent

official information, that no new orders have been issued.

The captures made by the British of American veffels, having French property on board, are warranted by the law of nations. The force and operation of this law was contemplated by France and the United States, when they formed their treaty of commerce, and their fpecial ftipulation on this point was meant as an exception to an univerfal rule; neither our weaknefs nor our ftrength have any choice, when the queftion concerns the obfervance of a known rule of the law of nations.

You are pleased to remark, that the conduct of Great Britain, in capturing veffels bound to and from French ports, had been the fubject of a note, which on the 29th of September, 1795, was addreffed to the fecretary of state, but which remained without an answer. Very fufficient reasons may be affigned for the omiffion. The fubject, in all its afpects, had been officially and publicly dif cuffed, and the principles and ultimate meafures of the United States, founded on their indifputable rights, were as publicly fixed. But if the fubject had not, by the previous difcuffions, been already exhaufted, can it be a matter of furprife that there should be a repugnance to aufwer a letter containing fuch infinuations as these?

"It must then be clear to every man, who will difcard prejudices, love, hatred, and, in a word, all the paffions which lead the judgment aftray, that the French republic have a right to complain, if the American government fuffered the English to interrupt the commercial relations which exift be

tween

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