While thefe matters were pending, the vote of credit for the fum of two millions and a half, brought in and already twice read, was ftopped in its progrefs by Mr. Grey, who contended, from what had paffed, that the houfe ought to be on its guard againft the appropriation of money at the will of the minifter. A vote of credit, he obferved, was to enable the executive power to meet expences unforefeen and unprovided for, but not to difcharge debts already contracted, without the fanction of parliament.

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Mr. Pitt replied, that the vote of credit having been specified in the estimate of ways and means, its application was fubject to the inveftigation of parliament. It conftituted a fund ready at hand for exigencies, without encumbering the expences of the enfuing

year.

Mr. Fox obferved, that the money voted by a bill of credit was not ifluable till an exigency appeared, whereas the money voted upon eftimate of the expence was immediately provided. Votes of credit were not intended to fupply the deficiency of eftimates, but merely to answer unforeseen occurrences in the abfence of parliament. The bill, after fome additional remarks of the fame nature by Mr. Sheridan, went through a third reading, by a majority of feventy-feven.

It underwent a fimilar oppofition in the house of lords, where the duke of Grafton and the earl of Lauderdale ufed much the fame arguments against it as in the commons, and took occafion, at the fame time, to exprefs their difapprobation of the Hamburgh bills, but it paffed in the affirmative.

Some of the new taxes were alfo oppofed in the lower houfe. That upon tobacco was reprefented as bearing too heavily upon the lower claffes. Through general Tarleton's interference, the foldiers on board were allowed to be fupplied with it, duty free. The horfe-tax was alfo taken off those employed in the yeomanry cavalry. Free-holders, from ten to fifteen pounds a year, and people holding farms of feventy, or freeholds of thirty-five pounds a year, were alfo exempted from it; and the tax on printed cottons was intirely given up.

The duty intpofed on legacies met with ftrong oppofition. It was objected to by Mr. Newnham, as of too inquifitorial a tendency into the affairs of families, and particularly of commercial people; it would prejudice illegitimate children, faithful domeftics, and old friends. He was ably feconded by Mr. Fox, who enlarged confiderably on all his arguments,

They were replied to by the folicitor-general, who obferved, that the principle of the bill was founded on a law of the fame import already in force. The tax took nothing from actual poffeffion, and its bringing private property to light was no valid objection, as private credit would thereby be confirmed.

The tax was ftrongly fupported by the attorney-general. He particularly noticed the cafe of illegi timate children, who, inftead of being injured by it, were, if acknowledged by the teftator, intitled to the exception allowed by the act to lineal defcent. The bill, after fome farther difcuffion, pafled. by a majority of feventy-eight.

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rulers of that country more favour able to the preferving of fuch relations. Minifters ought, in the mean time, to be reminded with what powers they had not fcrupled to enter into treaties of amity, and of what deeds they had, in confequence, been the abettors. Mr. Fox reviewed the events of the war with great accuracy and precifion, with a view of fhewing the ill management of thofe who had conducted it, He ridiculed the idea, that the French were more deferving of confidence on account of their new conftitution; their principles were still the fame, though they had adopted another mode of ruling. But neither thofe principles, nor their antecedent government, ought to have been made the pretext for waging a war of extermination. It was time to end it on any conditions, not derogatory to the dignity of this country; and miniftry ought no longer to be fuffered to protract the war, on the pretence they had fo continually, but falfely, alleged, of incapacity in the enemy to maintain a good understanding.

The fentiments of Mr. Dundas were, that to offer terms of peace to the enemy would be attended with no difgrace, but that minifters, in fuch cafe, fhould be left to act difcretionally, and not to be compelled to make a peace of which they difapproved. The amend ment, for that reafon, was inequitable, as it fettered their operations against all experience and precedent. He denied the object of the war to be the restoration of defpotilm in France, or that this country could have indulged the hope of an advantageous peace till the prefent period, Lefs than a year before,

the fucceffes of the French had rendered them untractable, and it was only fince their late defeats that reasonable men had begun to hope for equitable conditions. Never before had they, during the whole of this war, condefcended to exprefs the leaft willingness to reconciliation. The king's meflage could not have been delivered at a fitter opportunity: the fupplies for the continuance of the war had been granted, and the nation had proved itself able and willing to maintain the conteft. This was exactly the fituation in which we should appear to the enemy, upon whom it would doubtlefs make that impreffion which was intended. It would convince the French, that, however we might be defirous of peace, we were ready for war, and not difpofed to treat on difhonourable terms. The debate clofed by rejecting the amendment and carrying the addrefs. A fimilar one to this was, on the next day, tenth of December, propofed and pafled in the houfe of lords.

On the fifteen of February, Mr. Grey introduced his motion for peace by a speech, wherein he obferved, that, contrary to general expectation, the miniftry, in lieu of a negociation for peace, were making preparations for a continuation of the war. But with what well-grounded nope of fuccefs could they perfift in this unfortunate fyf tem? There was no confidence nor unity of views in the remaining parts of the coalition; and yet this country was to bear the weight of this pretended alliance in favour of the common intereft of Europe. The public was exhorted to rely on the difcretion of minifters: but were they worthy of any truft, after be

ing deceived in their allies in the moft material points, and ftill expreffing a forwardnefs to depend on promifes fo frequently reiterated and fo repeatedly broken, when ever induced by the flighteft intereft to falfify their word. The French, it was now acknowledged, were in a fituation to be treated with; we ought, therefore, no longer to ftand aloof. He would confequently move for an addrefs to the king, requefting him to communicate to the executive government in France his readiness to embrace any opportunity of coinciding with them in mutual endeavours for the re-establishment of peace.

The fituation of affairs, it was replied by Mr. Pitt, was fuch, that it could be no humiliation to this country to be the firft in proferring peace; but the conducting of a negociation, and when to time it, belonged folely to minifters. If they were deemed unworthy of fuch a truft, their opponents ought to petition for their removal; but while they continued in office, they alone could be the proper agents in fuch a tranfaction; they ought, on this principle, to act unitedly, not only among themselves, but with the allies of this country, to whom no caufe fhould be given to fufpect us of duplicity, and of not acting in the fincereft conjunction with them. If they remained entire, fo powerful a confederacy could not, in the nature of things, fail, by perfeverence and unanimity, to obtain, nally, an advantageous peace; but this defirable object depended on the moderation of the enemy. All had been done, confiftently with honour and intereft, to bring him to this iffue; but neither of thefe would be facrificed. Confidering

the temper of our enemies, and how much they were inflamed by the preffure of circumftances, to give up their inordinate pretenfions, peace would probably depend on the difficulty they would find to profecute the war, and the profpect of it might not, of course, be fa near as wifhed or expected.

We

Whatever fuccefs our arms might have in future, ftill we ought not, faid Mr. Fox, to prefume that a better feafon for treating than the present would occur. There was a time when the enemy could not ftand before the confederacy, and was driven from every place he had occupied abroad, and forced to retire for fhelter into his own country. What fituation could be more profperous for the coalition? But it did not think the French fufficiently humbled and depreffed, and loft an opportunity that would never return. complained of that decree of the convention, by which they threatened interference in the affairs of other countries; but as they had folemnly refcinded it as offenfive to us, why did not we difclaim all interference in their own concerns? why had no fteps been taken towards a pacification, as the public had been given to hope they would certainly be popular in this country and not difpleafing to our allies nor to all Europe, which looked anxioufly for fuch an event. The great obftacle to peace was the animofity between the French and their enemies. This fhould be removed preferably to all other obftructions. This might be done by offering them reasonable conditions, which would difarm an enemy much fooner than violence and obftinacy. It was not furprizing the French fhould be exafperated, when we

fpoke

Ipoke of them fo contemptuoufly, and even sent an amballador to the perfon who called himself their king. It was illufory, in the mean time, to buoy up the fpirits of the people, by telling them to look at the diftreffes of the French, as if they were any mitigation of their own. These were no arguments to lay before men who had fuffered fo much for the profufion and ill fuccefs that had fo ufually accompanied minifterial measures. The

opponents to these were arrogantly admonished, that it was the royal prerogative only to decide of peace and when to conclude it: but minifters alfo fhould be reminded, that it was no lefs the prerogative of the commons of England to interpofe their advice, both as to the time and the conditions that were feasonable. On clofing the debate, fifty divided for the motion, and one hundred and ninety against it.

CHAP.