England, Roman Catholic, Presbyterian and Methodist, received funds, by an annual vote from Parliament, for the support of their schools; and the control was under the head of each denomination for the time. The State also provided, sustained, and controlled National schools. But the plan was found to be costly and wasteful in the extreme. Small and inefficient schools competed with one another in districts where there were not children enough for one well-managed establishment. The evils were seen and deplored; but any change was long resisted. The agitation was fierce and long. Led by Sir Henry Parkes, a system of free, compulsory, and anti-sectarian religious teaching was adopted in 1880; and since then State education has been carried on without strife and with increasing efficiency.

Manitoba has in a few years gone through a similar struggle. Before it became a portion of the Dominion of Canada there were no school laws and no public schools. Private enterprises were responsible for any educational work carried on. After the creation of the Manitoban Province a double system was startedone Romanist and the other National, and consisting of all who were not Roman Catholics. There were two superintendents, two sets of machinery for the management of the two sets of schools. In the National schools there were religious exercises, but sectarian or doctrinal

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teaching was not allowed. The Roman Catholic schools had crucifixes and religious images in them, the Roman Catholic religion was taught, and the school was treated as a nursery for the Roman Catholic Church. The Roman Catholics insisted on remaining separate from the rest of the community; they despised, and taught despisal, of other religious communities; and yet they drew far more largely from the common funds than the Nationalists did. In 1890 all this was changed. It was felt that it was necessary for the good of Canada and of her people, that her children should grow up together in her schools, so that they might lose their racial prejudices and antipathies, throb with common sympathies, and breathe common aspirations. Barriers of race and religion must not be put up by the State at the threshold of life. It is anti-social. It saturates life with antipathies and bitterness, and destroys the sense of a common citizenship. True patriotism condemns such a policy. It must go.

Besides, it hinders education. For illiteracy, Quebec is disgraced amongst civilised peoples. In this it is the associate of Spain and Italy. Teachers in Manitoba applying for certificates for Roman Catholic posts were asked such questions as these :

"What is the Church?

Where is the true Church?

Ought we to believe what the Catholic Church teaches

us? And why ? "

"What is the Mass? What must be done to properly understand it ?"

"What sentiments ought we to entertain towards our Guardian Angel ?"

"What are the principal mysteries of our religion ? " "Describe the fall (a) of the angels, (b) of the first man."

"What is meant by indulgences ? What must be done in order to obtain them?"

Manitobans said these Roman Catholic educational institutions do not educate. It is wrong for the State to support them. They must go.

And seven years ago last March the system was abolished. It was decided that denominational distinctions should not be recognised any longer. A free and equal system of education was established, and it is now being worked with splendid energy and success.

But the fight did not cease; Romanists and Anglicans still insist on separate schools for themselves and for private management. They forwarded an appeal in that spirit and for that end to the Privy Council against the new law, but the Council decided against them, saying

It is not the law that is in fault; it is owing to religious convictions, which everybody must respect, and to the teaching of their Church, that Roman Catholics and members of the Church of England find themselves unable to partake of advantages which the law offers to all alike.

Sir Wilfrid Laurier, the Canadian Prime Minister, sustains the action of the people of

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Manitoba. He is a Roman Catholic and a Liberal; and, like all true Liberals, he is a patriot first and a denominationalist second; and, the Pope notwithstanding, he is likely to further this latest effort of a portion of Greater Britain to obtain a system of State education absolutely free from the unjust, divisive and anti-social presence of clericalism.

When will England reach the level of Manitoba ?

LETTER VII.

وو

A DUKE GONE WRONG-AN OVER-SCRUPULOUS MINISTER "SECULAR BUT RELIGIOUSTHE FEAR OF SACERDOTALISM TURGID "IRISH TEXTS "THE ROMANIST DEMAND.

December 2, 1897.

MELBOURNE and Sydney supply the most vivid and instructive illustrations of that battle of ideas and institutions which is now proceeding in Greater Britain with reference to the policy of the State in the education of children.

This was made patent in the debate in the House of Lords on the "Voluntary Schools Bill." For, according to the report in The Times, the Duke of Argyll said: "I have been told on good authority that in some of the Australian colonies it has come to this, that all the school books are carefully edited, and every allusion to religion, even the very name of God, is expunged from them. That is a dreadful state of things-a state of things from which we are very far removed. But that it will come to this in the long run if we do not take some means to support Voluntary schools I