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able and efficient engine, but people must not lean to it; it must not be substituted for individual exertion. Not a town or parish in Scotland should rest without sending up a petition. Evils have been introduced of late years into Scotland which few are aware of. Will our readers believe, that in some districts, the letter-carrier is employed nearly the whole of the Lord's-day in going his round? Will they believe that Post-office money orders are issued and paid in many places, the same as on the six days of the week? We know of one country town where the Post-office sometimes draws £20 on the Sabbath, in small sums, from the railway and other labourers. It is the principal day for granting money orders. Such a thing is unknown in Edinburgh and Glasgow, and in the large cities in England. Why is it tolerated in the smaller towns in Scotland? Why is the Government Exchange Bank open on Sabbath, as on other days, when other banks are shut? This is a national sin and every man is involved in it, who does not try to put a stop to it. It was high time that an effort be made to arrest this growing evil, and to overthrow this "seat of the money-changer," whereby the Sabbath of the Lord is polluted, in some places at the very door of the house of God.

We might here refer to another movement which was successfully made in Manchester some years ago, which may be found to have had some influence on that for closing the Post-office on Sabbathwe mean the Saturday's half holiday. A resolution was at that time come to, which, we believe, was almost universal, by which the places of business were closed, and clerks, warehousemen, porters, &c., set free at one o'clock. An opportunity was thereby given for health-bringing recreation once a-week, for the man who had wrought hard during the long hours of the week enjoying a walk into the country with his wife and family, or visiting his friends, and for the Sabbath-school teacher making the round of his scholars. The new régime at once removed many abuses by which the Sabbath rest had formerly been encroached upon. The carriers resolved to withdraw their carts for loading goods after three o'clock, and in cases not a few have they driven off from the warehouses, leaving the boxes and bales to rest till Monday, rather than violate the rule. Consequently their work, which used to stretch far into the Sabbath morning, was terminated at a reasonable hour on the Saturday evening. Other reforms followed upon the observance of the half holiday. The country shopkeeper, or foreign merchant, who used to wind up his purchases late on the Saturday evening (frequently requiring his goods to be dispatched the same night), and then to set off home on the Sabbath morning, was now obliged to have them completed timeously on the Saturday; and, in place of making Sabbath the travelling day, returned to the bosom of his family the same evening. The letters of Saturday afternoon, the Liverpool, Yorkshire, and London despatches of that day, were only partially received, and lay unheeded and unanswered in the Post-office till Monday morning. A little inconvenience was felt at first from these changes, and there were occasional grumblings from unreasonable correspondents in other towns; but, so soon as the thing was understood, it righted itself; and, as the men of Manchester had determined that it should not fail, the inconvenience and difficulties quickly disappeared.

This shows how easily important and salutary changes may be effected when people are really in

earnest. Saturday afternoon in Manchester, prior to this reform, was the busiest half day of the whole week. The work of the week was driven up into its closing hours, which consequently became very late and unseasonable, and formed a most unsuitable preparation for the rest of the Sabbath. Now all this is changed for the better, despite the predictions of those who said that it could never be carried out, and that those upon whom they were dependent for their business could never submit to be thus treated. If, for his own pleasure, the half of a day can be so easily given up, and the post be virtually made no use of, then surely may the one day in seven, which God claims for himself, be preserved entire for the ends and purposes for which he set it apart from the beginning. Many who are friendly to the observance of the Lord's-day, but who have been so accustomed to the Sabbath mail that they cannot see how the country can do without it, would, we are persuaded, if once it were abolished, admit, as in the case of the Manchester half holiday, that they not only suffer no inconvenience, but that it has proved an invaluable social reform.

We believe that a similar movement to that in Manchester has been attempted or contemplated in some of the towns in Scotland. We wish every success to all such efforts to increase the comfort and happiness of our over-worked population. But we would suggest that success will depend very much upon taking their stand upon the sacred observance of the Sabbath, and using every means for the prevention of increased facilities for pleasuring on that day, and for the reformation of abuses, which are already getting established amongst us. If those who are shut up in towns and busily employed during the week, wish their pleading for a little recreation to tell on their employers, they must use their endeavours to remove the counter argument, which masters who fear not God nor regard man are ready to adduce, that they have the Sabbath to themselves, and may take the railway train or steam-boat that day if they want to go to the country. Our clerks, and warehousemen, and shopmen, have a far deeper interest in the progress of the Sabbath question than they are aware of.

II. THE RAILWAY MEETINGS.

The

The half-yearly railway meetings have just been held, and the friends of the Sabbath have reason, upon the whole, to be satisfied with the results. cause is evidently making progress. The tone and temper of its opponents have greatly moderated, while others are awakening to the importance of the subject, and coming forward to help in the cause. One of the largest shareholders in the Caledonian, Mr Eyton from Shropshire,who holds 900 shares, travelled 800 miles in order to give his support to Sir Andrew Agnew, and to express the feelings of the English shareholders at the unhandsome and unfair treatment which Sir Andrew had received at the previous meeting. The division at the meeting was twenty-four in favour, and twenty-seven against the motion; but the directors showed an overwhelming number of proxies in favour of their policy. Still the Sabbatarians established some important points, which should encourage them to persevere. Andrew Agnew got the minutes of the former meeting read, which secured his motion being introduced at the proper place, and not set aside, as was attempted

Sir

despotism.

at the March meeting. The very unfair report of the | head-sanctioned blindly all measures of religious proceedings of that meeting, which had been issued somehow under the Company's seal, was disclaimed by the chairman, who said, that nothing of the kind should be done again; and Mr Blackadder was assured, that a correct return of the Sabbath work would be kept, and given at the next meeting. Sir Andrew Agnew and Mr Bridges advocated the stoppage of all unnecessary work, with their usual ability.

The Edinburgh and Glasgow, Glasgow, Paisley, Greenock, and Ayr lines, continue closed on the Sabbath; and the existing arrangement remains for the present undisturbed in the Scottish Central. But from the connection of this line with the Caledonian,we understand that an attempt will shortly be made to carry the mail trains by it northward together with the passengers brought by the Caledonian. Our friends would require to be on the alert, lest they be taken by surprise. They must know that if passenger trains be run, the number of passengers cannot be limited to four in and four out, as in the old mail coach, which some vainly imagine. The Act of Parliament requires, that if the Company take passengers at all, it shall provide accommodation forthe public at 1d. per mile. The importance of maintaining ground in the Scottish Central cannot be over-estimated; and there is no doubt but that the present position may be maintained, if the friends of the cause will only re. solve that it shall be. It is there that the battle is now to be fought; and every effort should therefore be made to strengthen the hands of our friends in that Company at the present moment. Whoever has the means at his command, and wishes to preserve Scotland's peaceful Sabbaths from being destroyed, will buy shares in the Company without loss of time, to which the present value of the stock, we understand, holds out every inducement. If the Central be open for passenger traffic on the Lord's-day, through the supineness of the friends of the Sabbath, they will have cause bitterly to regret it ever afterwards. The tide of Sabbath desecration will then, in all probability, roll onwards unbroken to the north of Scotland. We would remind those who take no interest in this matter, and think they are beyond the reach of the evil consequences of such an issue, of the words of a holy man, who by his promptitude and importunity saved his people: "Think not with thyself that thou shalt escape; for if thou altogether holdest thy peace at this time, then shall there enlargement and deliverance arise from another place; but thou and thy father's house shall be destroyed."

CHANGES ON THE CONTINENT.

(From a Foreign Letter.)

To begin with Austria. Austria, every one knows, was leagued to the Jesuit system. A triple barrier of custom-houses prevented the entrance of books and journals opposed to Popery. Last summer, a gentleman was robbed, on the frontiers of Austria, of religious books designed for his own use, and he retained his Bible only by showing his name written on the first page. The disciples of Rongé could not travel in the interior of the empire. Protestants were harrassed in various ways. The Romish priesthood, in connection with Prince de Metternich, exercised a brutal tyranny. The Empress-mother was a narrow-minded bigot, and the Emperor Ferdinand-poor, imbecile, crowned

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Now, how different! The first word of the citizens of Vienna, at the revolution, was this:-" Liberty and equality for all modes of worship!" The Catholic Archbishop of Vienna, who was notorious for his ultramontane principles, was hooted in the street, and had to affix to the walls of Vienna a handbill to justify himself. The Liguorians (or Jesuits) were forced to abandon the convent which they had opened near the capital. Their property will serve hereafter for the public use; and probably, after a while, all the other monasteries will be suppressed. The new political constitution has established liberty of worship and liberty of the press. The Bible and controversial works can circulate without hindrance in the whole extent of Austria. Protestants will have the same rights as Romanists. What a wonderful transformation, we repeat it, in this empire, which was considered as the firmest bulwark of intolerance!

Hungary has experienced the same benefits. It was subjected to a very heavy yoke in religious matters. We will mention the example of the noble Count Casimir Batthyani, belonging to one of the first families of the country, a man as distinguished by his intelligence as by his fortune, and one of the political leaders in the Diet. Count Batthyani having left Romanism for Protestantism, was disgraced by the court of Vienna, and the Archduke-palatine received orders not to show him the usual marks of official courtesy. Prince de Metternich devised this punishment to stop the progress of Protestant proselytism. But now every one is free in Hungary, as elsewhere, to adopt the religion which he prefers; and Count Batthyani will probably have numerous imitators.

Bohemia has suffered more persecutions than any other kingdom annexed to Austria. The Jesuits remembered that it was the native land of John Huss, and that heretics once formed a large part of the population. Imprisonments, exile, corporal punishment, they employed all to extirpate the least vestige of opposition. Many inhabitants of Bohemia, not having courage to endure so many sufferings, refused all participation in public worship; and as the Society of Loyola prefer infidels to heretics, they were left in peace. Now these concealed Protestants can avow their real sentiments, and Bohemia will have perhaps soon a numerous sect of modern Hussites. The Croatians themselves-still a barbarous racehave profited by their political freedom to send to the Emperor of Austria an address asking for the abolition of the celibacy of priests. The dissoluteness of the clergy must have been very great, when these barbarous Croatians ask for such a reform in the constitution of Romanism.

What shall we say of Bavaria? There, last year, was the centre of Popish intolerance in Germany. The king, the queen, the ministers of state, did nothing without first consulting the priests. Protestants suffered much injustice. It was with great difficulty that they could obtain any public office. Lutheran soldiers must bow before the holy sacrament, and the earnest remonstrances of consistories were not listened to. But, thanks to God, all is changed. The Protestants of Bavaria are now on a footing with Roman Catholics: they occupy even important places in the council of state, and the king of this country has promulgated a constitution which is free from all sectarian preferences.

1

MINISTERIAL EDUCATION.

REV DR SPRING of New York, in his recent book on "The Power of the Pulpit," has a chapter on the training of young men for the pastoral office, in which he avows his preference for the private method of theological education. His argument is deducible to these three propositions-that the ministry has deteriorated-that this result has come in part from theological seminaries—and that the cause of deterioration in seminaries is, in a great measure, that so many of the professors are without experience in the pastoral office.

These positions a writer in the Princeton Review takes up and demolishes with a strong arm. He says, the whole turns on the question, " Has the ministry degenerated?" Of this he says Dr Spring has given no proof. He has only taken it for granted as an admitted fact; while the assertion of it is as preposterous as it would be to say that agriculture and commerce had retrograded in the last fifty years. He says this impression comes of a common disposition to laud the past; and he makes it to be of a piece with a disposition in some men to deplore the change in the mode of travelling, and to say, that when they were young it was a serious matter to go to a neighbouring city-weeks were spent in preparing for the journey, and a solemn adieu was given to wife and children-then the family relation was cherished-but now all these sentimental advantages are displaced by railroads and steam-boats.

The reviewer enumerates the sources of this habit of over-rating the past, and disparaging the present. The leading source he makes to be the habit of judging an age by a few conspicuous men. Dr Spring would ask, "Where are now the men who can compare with Edwards, Whitefield, and Davies?" And so we may ask, "Where are now the equals of Bacon, Shakespeare, and Milton?" And the men of Edwards' time would [ask, "Where are the Owens, Howes, Baxters, and Flavels?" And the age of these last asked, "Where are the Luthers, Melancthons, and Calvins?" But this does not prove that society has all the while been going back. What if some of our preachers are transcendental, or some make too much parade of learning-babble about art and aesthetics, or write poetry for ladies' magazines or albums? So, in a former age there were ministers whose talk was of bullocks, and who made better butter than sermons. If now the young men act the Pharisees, make broad their phylacteries, and sound a trumpet before them; in other times there were ministerial publicans, who sat at the receipt of custom, unobserved and unmolested. And if some of our young ministers know not what they are in the pulpit for, it does not follow that, on the whole, the pulpit is less powerful than in the days of our fathers.

The reviewer next maintains that Dr Spring's assumption is not only without proof, but against very important proofs. Great intellectual progress has been made for the last fifty years-the standard of education has advanced in colleges and lower schools. Nor has the ministry in all this progress been going back. The Church has made astonishing progress. As an example, the Presbyterian Church has nearly doubled in the last ten years, and the general standard of piety has been elevated. And such an advance of the Church without an equal advance of the ministry is impossible.

And never was there a time when the ministry stood higher in public estimation. They take the first rank of the educated men of the country-are foremost in works of benevolent and literary enterTheir character for purity, sincerity, and prise. devotion, is as high as that of any other equal The influence of number of ministers in the world. the Church under their guidance is greater than ever before. Where is the rampant infidelity of the last generation?

And if we make the inquiry in detail, we shall find that most Churches have pastors superior to those which they had in the last generation. Forty years ago we had a few eminent men; now we have multitudes of highly respectable talents. Acquisitions Where then was one then rare, are now common. Hebrew scholar, there are now hundreds, and the like may be said of well-read theologians. Cases of ministerial delinquency are proportionally more rare. And we may refer to the amount of labour doneefforts for extending the Redeemer's kingdom-missionary work-self-denial endured. Are these the men to be held up as a degenerate race? Are the mass of those ministers who are bearing the Church onward with such wonderful success to be reproached as a generation of pigmies? The clergy as a body have now a higher character and wider influence; than the clergy of this country ever before had.

From this the reviewer goes on to show, that even admitting that there is such a degeneracy of the ministry, there might be other causes of it than theological seminaries, and the teaching of professors who have not been pastors. He alleges that in Scotland and on the Continent, where there have been theological seminaries ever since the Reformation, there have been alternate elevations and depressions of the ministry from causes aside from the seminaries. He says, "The danger is not in the system, but in the men-the professors. If they are not of the right kind, their influence on the students must be to the last degree injurious. If Dr Spring had chosen to direct his battery to that quarter, he would have found no disposition to resist-he would have called attention to the real point to be guarded."

THE POPE AND LIBERTY OF THE PRESS. IT was reported not long since that the Pope had granted "liberty of the press." The act in question is so entitled; but upon better acquaintance with the numerous articles of the decree, it will be found to be liberty in altogether a Popish sense. The following are some of the safeguards of the liberty of the press in the Roman States:

Art. 4th threatens with imprisonment, from one day to a month, and a fine of from thirty to sixty ducats, every one who distributes publications printed at any press not regularly authorized by the Government.

Art. 6th obliges, under the same penalty, every journalist and author to deposit a copy of his publication in all the public libraries of the place. Thus, in Rome, ten copies of a work are wrested from an author by as clear a violation of the laws of property, as though every hatter were required to hand in ten new hats whenever he set a fashion.

Art. 7th prohibits any but subjects of the Pope to publish a journal in the Roman States. This silences the Contemporaneo, the ablest of the liberal

Papers of the country; and the English weekly paper, unless Mr Hemans, in his devotion to the Pope, deny his first allegiance to Victoria.

Art. 11th imposes the above imprisonment and fine on every editor who shall still publish his journal after he has announced his intention to discontinue it! Thus no Roman editor can play the winding-up game on his subscribers to make them pay. Art. 12th requires every editor, under the penalty of from ten to thirty ducats, to sign a copy of each number of his paper, and exhibit it to an authorized person, before publishing the edition. Sick, or hurried, or impatient to be off, the proof copy must be signed by him, and the press stop until the liberty cau be brought all fresh and sweet from the authority.

Art. 16th requires every journal to publish in its ensuing number whatever sentence of condemnation is passed upon it; fine and imprisonment again for the omission. This is the ancient privilege revived, of allowing the victim to carry the instruments of his punishment to the place of execution.

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Frederick II. was continually impressing upon his courtiers his wish to lay aside the king among them, and to be approached merely as a philosopher; a wish of which he gave a striking explanation whenever he was taken at his word. It seems to us that his Holiness betrays here a similar characteristic of greatness. "My beloved children," he virtually says, own sovereign will and pleasure I grant you the liberty of the press; but if you dare to take it I will imprison and fine you." It may be asked, however, did this act originate with Pius IX.? Unfortunately for his fame it did; and that, too, in violation of the late Constitution. According to Art. 33d of the Constitution, " All laws shall be discussed in the Assembly; and without such discussion they shall not have the force of laws." The Assembly met June 5, but this decree is dated June 3. It is hardly necessary to say that such articles would never have passed the Assembly. It has already produced much dissatisfaction.

EDUCATION IN AMERICA.

THE Presbyterian Herald states that the action of the General Assembly of the Old School Presbyterian Church upon the subject of religious education has awakened the public mind, in almost all of the reli

Art. 19th threatens imprisonment from six months to a year, and a fine of from sixty to a hundred ducats, for" any outrage upon good custom, the church or its ministers." To show up a foolish ceremony, or certain well-known libertines among the priest-gious denominations, to the importance of connecting hood at Rome, would of course be an outrage on the church and its ministers.

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Art. 20th awards from three to six months' imprisonment, and from thirty to sixty ducats' fine, upon any who shall impugn the temporal authority of the Pope, the mode of his election, or the present form of government.” The same also upon 66 any who shall charge upon the Pope or the Sacred College the blame or responsibility of any act of the Government." No amendment of the Constitution to be proposed in the Roman Senate, and if the ministers bring a bill to his Holiness, taking off some odious imposition from the people, and his Holiness say,

"Veto!" then the ministers are to be blamed for its continuance.

Art. 22d condemns to imprisonment of from one to three months, and a fine of thirty to sixty ducats, "whoever shall make an apology for actions which the laws pronounce criminal." Woe unto philanthropic jurists! woe to repealers of all sorts!

Art. 25th punishes with imprisonment of from six months to a year, and with a fine of sixty to a hundred ducats, "whoever shall publish any work or writing whatsoever already condemned by the ecclesiastical authority." As his Holiness would not burden his exchequer with an edition of the huge catalogue of condemned works, his subjects are left in the dark here. If, however, they adopt, as a general rule, the avoidance of their most distinguished writers, they will keep on the safe side.

Art. 28th declares "the ecclesiastical censorship according to the Apostolic Constitution" to be in full force. This ecclesiastical censorship may be said to be the great Drummond-light upon the subject of the liberty of the press; for it not only illuminates all the metes and bounds laid down in the preceding articles, but enables a man to pick his way where there is no path at all. To this censorship are subject "all those writings which treat of the Holy Scriptures, sacred theology, ecclesiastical history, canonical law, natural theology, ethics, and, in general, all such as have any special relation to religion and morals. Such is "liberty of the press" as understood at Rome.

moral culture with secular learning. At first the the ascendency of one sect over all others, but the outcry in many of them was, that it was a scheme for calm and second thoughts of their wisest and most discreet men have led them to admit that the tendency of education as now conducted in most of the States, is either to total indifferentism towards all religion or to downright infidelity. Accordingly, we find that an unusually large number of the ecclesiastical bodies, which have lately held their sessions, have agitated the question of providing a remedy for this increasing evil. The Cumberland Presbyterian General Assembly have taken up the subject. The convention of Congregational and New School Presbyterian ministers, which met in Buffalo in June dismitted the evil, but there was a variety of opinions cussed the subject at large. All the speakers adas to the best remedy for it. The following resolution was the basis of their action:

"Resolved, That the convention approve and recommend to the churches generally that immediate and zealous efforts be made by each to establish, within its bounds, one or more Primary Schools, under the care of the same, in which not only the ordinary branches of secular learning shall be taught, but pastoral influences shall be employed for instructing in the great truths and duties of our holy religion."

The General Association of Massachusetts also committed the subject to a committee, which presented an elaborate report.

We notice also that the Episcopal papers are canvassing the subject in their columns. In short, nearly all denominations are discussing the subject. The result, says the Herald, will be that light will be elicited, and perhaps some medium course may be adopted, by which the difficulties under which education, as now conducted, labours may be avoided.

New Church Opened.

Methlic. By Professor M'Laggan of Aberdeen. August 6. Printed by JOHNSTONE, BALLANTYNE, & Co., 104 High Street; and published by JOHN JOHNSTONE, 15 Princes Street, Edinburgh, and 26 Paternoster Row, London. And sold by the Booksellers throughout the kingdom.

THE

FREE CHURCH MAGAZINE.

ESSAY ON THE UNION OF CHURCH AND good one ;" and his writings, both in prose and verse

STATE.*

THERE are few questions of the present day of such urgent and extensive importance as that which treats of the relation in which Church and State stand, or ought to stand, to each other. It has attracted, and is attracting very strongly the attention of philosophers, statesmen, and divines; and many able and elaborate treatises have already been written on the subject. Politicians have to deal with it; revolutions are compelled to grapple with it in their own rude way; and conscience constrains religious men to make it a subject of earnest and anxious thought. In one point of view it is not strange that this should be the case. The interests which it involves are of paramount importance. It cannot but affect most seriously the welfare of religion; and it hears very directly on the delicate province of religious liberty. Nor can its discussion be averted or delayed, connected as it so closely is with both public arrange. ments and personal rights and privileges. Yet, notwithstanding the amount of attention which it has already received, there is little reason to suppose that the essence of the question is yet fully understood by many. Even the language employed by various authors indicates the vagueness of their ideas. Some treat of it as an Alliance between Church and State; others, as a Union of the two; and others, more vaguely, speak of the Connexion between Church and State, or their mutual relations. The question cannot be solved till men conceive more clearly what is required for its solution. But, in the meantime, the actual condition of the alliance, union, or connexion, can be examined, and thereby most important preparations made for solving the question rightly in due time. Much, of course, will depend on the position from which men view the subject, as well as on their own diversities of habit and character. We ought not to expect from any one man a full and unbiassed view of such a question: it is rather from the convergence of many views that we may expect to see it in all its magnitude and completeness.

prove him to have no mean claim to be regarded as a man of genius. Above all those distinctions of birth, acquirement, and native worth, appear the incomparably more precious qualifications of true evangelical faith and personal godliness. Taking a mere glance at the position of such a man, one is inclined to say, that there is no station in the Church of England to which he might not legitimately aspire. Since elevation to the prelatic dignity raises any man to the rank of a British peer, it must be always very grateful to the pride of English aristocracy when the prelate is also a man of noble blood. Yet this man, the Hon. and Rev. Baptist W. Ncci, has not only cast away every prospect of ecclesiastical preferment, which lay so fair before him, but has also forsaken wholly the wealthy and titled Church of England, and published a work containing a statement of his reasons for the step he has taken, of such a nature as must inevitably rouse against him the strong displeasure of a large proportion of his former friends. Such a step does not indeed prove that he has done right; but it very amply proves that he has acted according to the dictates of his conscience, and most directly contrary to his worldly interests. Men may, and no doubt will, doubt the soundness of his judgment; but no man can doubt his sincerity and self-denying integrity of heart and action. For that very reason his work cannot but command the most full and fair con

sideration by all parties, friends and foes alike. Both on this account, and because of its own intrinsic merits, we feel that the work demands our utmost attention; and we proceed to give some account of it to our readers.

There is, however, one additional preliminary remark which we think it right to make, before proceeding with our task. It would scarcely be quite fair to examine very minutely the views which the Hon. and Rev. Baptist Noel takes of the principles which lie at the very heart of the inquiry into the nature of the connexion between Church and State. When he found himself constrained to enter into that inquiry he was a clergyman of the Church of England, having been brought up from his youth in the bosom of that proud and wealthy Church. Viewing the subject from that position he could not well fail to regard it with the one or the other of the two antaele-gonist biases which such a position rendered almost inevitable. He must either think of it much more favourably than it deserved, or pass into the opposite extreme, and condemn everything connected with it. No man can estimate the force of early and long continued associations, either in producing extreme attachment or in being the occasion of excessive reJANUARY, 1849.

Of all the works on this important and engrossing subject which it has been our fortune to peruse, there is not one which we have read with such deep and painful interest as that newly published by the Hon. and Rev. Baptist W. Noel. It possesses every ment fitted to attract and arrest our sympathies. Its author is a man of noble birth, entitled to take his place among the ranks of England's high and powerful aristocracy. He is also "a scholar, and a ripe and

Essay on the Union of Church and State. By Baptist Wriothesley Noel, M. A. London. No. LXI.

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