whether they died in all cases by disease or by reason of incurring the displeasure of the prophet.

"His power over his followers is utterly inconceivable to one who does not witness its exercise. A bright boy, of something like a dozen years, assured me, when asked, that Johnson could pardon his sins. Johnson, who sat touching my side while I was examining the lad, objected to my question, and said, "Ask him if I be dead with Christ, and risen with him, whether then I have not power to forgive sins as Christ had?"-perverting to himself John xiv. 12. His creatures of both sexes were constantly coming to him for instruction; and in one of those little earth-covered huts in the skirt of "Hooppole grove," Henry, county Ill., he had a school of prophets, in which missionaries were training for Norway, Sweden, Denmark, the United States, and I think one or two other countries. Relying on his power over the superstitious terrors of his people, he affects the largest liberty of speech and discussion, and permitted me to preach in his school to his prophets; but accused me of perverting the Scriptures when I applied the text, "Cursed be the man that trusteth in man" to his followers' trust in him, and denounced my sermon in his daily preaching for weeks after I had left. He is cowardly; and had lately, for the first time, been moved by the threats of the citizens, to permit a physician to visit the colony, and some of his followers have been got away from the settlement by a Swede who has been some time in the country. But new recruits arrive from the old country; and nothing but selfdenying kindness to them and prevailing prayer to God seem capable of preventing a Mormon accumulation and Mormon catastrophe. S. B."

AMERICAN CONVENTIONS.

The Boston Recorder, a well-conducted religious paper, gives the following account of certain recent American Conventions:

Liberty Party Convention.-[The "Liberty Party" is strongly anti-slavery. It differs from the Garrisonian party in two respects. 1st, It takes political action, and is striving to get slavery abolished, by returning anti-slavery members to Congress. This the Garrisonians refuse to do, on the ground that the constitution of the United States sanctions slavery, and that, therefore, every man who holds office under it, or even gives a vote, is pro-slavery. 2d, It avoids and disclaims the indiscriminate abuse, the gross personalities, and the shocking profanity of the Garrisonians. The heads of the party are able and respectable men.-ED. F. C. M.]

"The first by far, both in magnitude and importance, was the Liberty Party Convention. This was held in the Tremont Temple, and was largely atttended by delegates and spectators. Its proceedings were pervaded by an excellent spirit, and were calculated to extend the influence of the party. The lion of the day, who made the welkin ring and the forest tremble, was the Hon. John P. Hale, the Liberty Party's candidate for the Presidency. He closed up the doings of the Convention, on the evening of the second day, by a noble speech, of which every sentence breathed a lofty spirit of independence, and a pure political morality. The Liberty Party is evidently strong in its men and its principles; and it is becoming strong in numbers. But it must not be regarded as embodying the whole strength of the anti-slavery feeling at the north. There are many thousands, whose feelings are as intense on the subject, but who think they can better subserve the cause of freedom by labouring for it in the ranks of the political party to which they belong.

"The Anti-Slavery (Garrisonian)Convention.-The old aboriginal scalping-knife party, held its meetings in the Melodeon. It is rapidly on the wane. The usual leaders, male and female, were there; but the host which once followed them were scattered. The meetings were thin, monotonous, and spiritless. The only speech which possessed any interest,

so far as we heard, was that of Parker Pillsbury on the character of their adherents. Some six or seven times, in the most round and unqualified manner, he declared them to be the meanest creatures in God's creation!' He supposed that this would sound harsh to many; but as it seemed to be his province to utter disagreeable truths, he would fulfil his commission. He spoke as one who knew and understood them perfectly. He spoke at length of the munificence of Christians who rear their splendid pagodas at the corners of every street, maintain their ministers in abundance, and raise ample funds for missionary purposes; and he contrasted this liberality with the mean parsimony of anti-slavery men in supporting their cause. He had known a fellow turn come-outer, and leave a proslavery church where he paid twenty-five dollars a year to support the minister; and then, in the fulness of his munificence, subscribe the astonishing sum of thirty-seven and a half cents for freedom. Among all the come-outers he had known, there were but two or three who brought with them out of the church that generosity, which was the only good thing they had carried in. He said that some years ago, he and S. S. Foster told the orthodox Churches in New Hampshire, that unless they came up to the anti-slavery demands, they would certainly be dashed to pieces. And sure enough, every church had lost from two to ten members, who had left them for conscience' sake. But it soon became evident that they had come out' to evade the pew-tax, rather than to make sacrifices for the liberation of oppressed humanity. Again he denounced these hopeful reformers as the meanest of all the creatures of God. 'As for a man,' he said profanely, 'who was too mean to stay in the church, perhaps the Lord may know what to do with him; but I do not!" He did not tell of any Church in New Hampshire which had been ruined by such defections; and it seems likely that, as the desertion of cowards is gain to an army, so the loss of such members must increase the strength of the Churches.

The Anti-Hanging Convention.-The day after the close of the Liberty Party and Anti-Slavery conventions, there was another in behalf of the abolition of capital punishment. It was held in a hall, which was, at no time when we were present, very full. It seemed to be the old primitive abolitionist pie in a new crust. The chief ingredients were H. C. Wright, Pillsbury, and Garrison, with the addition of a few coarser Universalist declaimers. The infidel spirit was quite rampant. It seemed to be conceded, that the Old Testament sanctions capital punishment; and in requital, it was 'hung up' to hatred and derision. The God of Moses was held up for abhorrence, in contrast with the God whom the Gospel reveals. It seems never to have occurred to these wiseacres that Jesus was the worshipper and professed messenger of the God of Abraham, and of Isaac, and of Jacob; nor that the apostle, when accused of heresy, declared himself to be worshipping in all his ministry the God of his fathers.

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The principal matter discussed while we were present was the clergy, to whom was ascribed an unbounded, an almost omnipotent influence over the public sentiment of the nation. It was warmly urged, that they ought to be required by law to execute the interesting duties of the hangman's office. Much was said about these slurs' upon the clergy; and it seemed to be supposed that they were writhing under them in most edifying distress. One man, presumed to be a minister of some sort, explained the ground of his insensibility to these horrible slurs.' With a ridiculous air, he exclaimed, 'I am a divine man! If I am a divine man, I am ready to do any divine work. And if hanging men is a divine work, then I am the man to do it!' This could only be equalled, if *We have had some hesitation about inserting this. It may be well, however, to make our readers better acquainted with the character of the men by whom our Church has been so unscrupulously assailed,-ED. F. C. M.

some great calf were to strut upon his hind legs, crying out, 'If I am a divine calf, why, then I shall bellow most divirely! Nothing can be more silly than the logic of these dreadful 'slurs. Suppose we argue thus: It is the will of God, that the health of large cities should be preserved by cleanliness]; ergo, none but ministers of the gospel ought to be scavengers! Or thus: It is the divine will, that there should be governors and judges; ergo, none but clergymen should fill the chair of state and the seat of justice. This logic, scarce worthy of Dogberry, seems to be conclusive with H. C. Wright and his apostate crew of mockers and scoffers. They cannot conceive that any civil office, however humble, can be according to the mind of God, and yet not be fit for those servants of his word, whose proper sphere is spiritual things."

Mistakes in Wills.—The New York Presbyterian adverts to a matter which here also it may be important to attend to. We know not what is the law of Scotland on the subject, or whether the question has ever been raised. If not, the experience of our American brethren may serve as a warning. Our contemporary states that in several instances valuable bequests have been lost to the Presbyterian Church, through a wrong phraseology in the will, arising from carelessness or ignorance in the testator. Recently a large and munificent bequest, designed beyond all possible doubt for the Presbyterian Board of Publication, was wholly lost in consequence of ignorance of the laws of Virginia in the testator. In another case lately decided, William Graham of Tennessee made the following bequests :

"15th, I give and bequeath ten shares of my stock in the Memphis Bank of Tennessee to the Old-school Foreign Missionary Society.

"16th, I give and bequeath ten shares of my stock in the Memphis Bank of Tennessee to the trustees of the Old-school

Home Missionary Society.

"17th, I give and bequeath five shares of my stock in the Memphis Bank of Tennessee to the Bible Society.

"18th, I give and bequeath five shares of my stock in the Memphis Bank of Tennessee to the Foreign Tract Society." The true titles of the societies not being given, the executors referred the case to the decision of the Chancellor of the State of Tennessee, and his opinion is against the validity of the bequests, which now, instead of going where Mr. Graham intended them to go, fall into the hands of the heirs-at-law. These are not the only cases of the kind which have occurred. They should be regarded as warnings. If an individual wishes to make a religious appropriation of his money, and from particular circumstances, cannot do it by a direct donation, which is, when practicable, the best method; then let him consult a competent and regularly educated lawyer, that the terms of the will may be technically correct, and thus the danger of misapplication be prevented.

Miscellaneous.

ROME IN 1847.

ROME is a city of priests. They penetrate every cranny of domestic life with the subtlety of air or light; are found everywhere, from the Corso to the dungeon; they cluster in the streets like mosquittoes; you cannot turn round without stumbling against an ecclesiastic; in short, that which is a very large episode in the life of all other Italian cities, is the whole life of Rome. This is the first and the last impression left on the mind of a stranger. When you enter Rome, the first thing that strikes you is the immense concourse of priests of all kinds, crowding, pressing, driving, sauntering, and hanging about the

streets; when you leave Rome this same tumult of priests is the last thing you see and hear. The image of that ghostly multitude rises upon your imagination long after you have crossed the Roman frontiers, and when years have elapsed, you can never think of Rome that the same heaving multitude of sacerdotal costumes does not come upon you as vividly as ever.-Atlas.

A FATHER'S CARE FOR HIS SON. BEAUTIFUL and becoming in the eyes of the paternal God is the unwearied attachment of the parent to his child! Alas! how little does the unthinking spirit of youth know of the extent of its devotedness! There sits the froward, fretful, and indolent boy. The care that keeps perpetual watch over his moral and physisight that denies itself many a comfort to provide for cal safety, he misnames unjust restriction. The forehis future wants, he denounces as a sordid avarice. He turns from his father's face in coldness or in anger. Boy! boy! the cloud upon that toil-worn brow has been placed there by anxiety, not for self, but for an impatient, peevish son, whose pillow he would gladly strew with roses, though thorns should thicken around his own. Even at the moment when his arm is raised to inflict chastisement on thy folly, thou shouldst bend and bless thy parent. The heart loathes the hand that corrects thy errors; and not for worlds would he use the rod of reproof, did he not perceive the necessity of crushing his own feelings, to save thee from thyself.

REMUNERATION OF AUTHORS. FRAGMENTS of History, by Charles Fox, sold by Lord Holland, 5,000 guineas; Fragments of History, by Sir James Mackintosh, £500; Lingard's History of England, £4,683; Sir Walter Scott's Bonaparte was sold, with the printed books, for £18,000; the nett receipts of copyright on the first two editions only must have been £10,000; Life of Wilberforce, by his sons, 4,000 guineas; Life of Byron, by Moore, £4,000; Life of Mr. Sheridan, by Moore, either £2,000 or £3,000; Life of Hannah More, £2,000; Life of Cowper, by Southey, £1,000; Life and Times of George IV., by Lady C. Bury, £1,000; Byron's Works, according to Mr. Murray's advertisement, £20,000; Lord of the Isles, half share, £1,500; Lalla Rookh, by Moore, £3,000; Rejected Addresses, by Smith, £1,000; Crabbe's Work's, republication of, by Mr. Murray, £3,000; Wordsworth's Works, republication of, by Mr. Moxon, £1,050; Bulwer's Rienza, £1,600; Marryatt's Novels, £1,000 or £1,500; Trollope's Factory Boy, £1,800; Hannah More derived £3,000 per annum for her copyrights during many of the latter years of her life; Rundell's Domestic Cookery, £2,000; Nicholas Nickleby, £3,000; Eustace's Classical Tour, L2,100; Sir R. Inglis obtained for the beautiful and interesting widow of Bishop Heber, by the sale of his journal, £5,000.-Tegg on Copyright.

Calls Moderated.

Dirleton. Rev. Mr. Hewitson, February 15.
Gartmore.-Rev. Mr. Alexander Clerihew.
Inductions.

Dirleton.-Rev. Mr. Hewitson, March 9.

Tillicoultry.-Rev. David Black of Gartmore, February 3,

Printed and Published by JOHN JOHNSTONE, 15, Princes Street, Edinburgh; and 26, Paternoster Row, London. And sold by the Booksellers throughout the kingdom.

THE PROGRESS OF REVOLUTION. Is the brief sketch which we laid before our readers last month, we ventured to say, "We think it more than probable that the revolutionary movement, thus begun, will traverse and shake all Europe, ere its earthquake agitation cease." Since these words were written, they have been most marvellously realized. There is not, at this hour, a state in Europe in the same political position in which it was a month ago. The earthquake agitation of the Third French Revolution has already traversed nearly all Europe, shivering to pieces some thrones, and changing the character and condition of others. It would be a tedious and somewhat monotonous task to trace the progress of the revolutionary movement, among all the kings and kinglets whose crowns it has removed or changed. But some of the cases are both in themselves so striking, and so fraught with strange meaning, that we must direct our attention to them in both points of view.

The instance which will, probably, most surprise common thinkers and politicians is that of Austria. It has been customary for a class of writers to praise the mild and paternal government of Austria, under the bland sway of its good, easy emperor. But the emperor was not the ruler of Austria, though he wore the crown imperial. The rod of power was wielded by Prince Metternich, who was regarded as the most subtle, skilful, and practised statesman in Europe, at least since the death of Talleyrand. For more than thirty years, the whole political influence of Austria was swayed by Metternich; and the very essence of his policy was to support and perpetuate despotism. But he was a cool, crafty, and even sagacious politi- | cian. He was aware that to line the yoke softly, and make it fit easy, was the best way to prevent any attempt being made to throw it off. There was no unnecessary harshness in his rule, so far at the least as the physical condition of the people was concerned. True, they might not enjoy religious liberty, or the freedom of the press, or anything that might tend to stimulate the dangerous practise of thinking for themselves; but they might feed well, toil lightly, and enjoy many opportunities of festive amusementanything that could make them comfortable animals, and might render them contented with mere animal comforts. At the same time armies on armies half filled the land, causing it to resemble one vast camp. Such was the general policy of Metternich; and it seemed likely to subsist as long at least as he continued alive, and able to conduct it. Many a one thought that the death of Metternich would be a perilous event for Austria; but few could have antiNo. LII.

cipated a sudden and entire overthrow of his power, and his whole political system by one shock and in a single day. Yet so it has happened. While the hoary statesman imagined he had but to tighten his grasp on the reins of restive Hungary, he was unexpectedly annoyed by some petitions for reform of various kinds, presented by the students in Vienna itself. At the same juncture the legislative body had met, and had adopted an address, craving from the emperor redress of some grievances, but in most respectful terms, and to a very modified extent. Roused by these events, crowds of people began to assemble, and agitation and anxiety speedily pervaded the city. Next day a conflict between the troops and the people took place; but even before it had timeto become serious and general, the government quailed, Prince Metternich fled, and the Revolution was complete. The people amused themselves by executing Metternich in effigy; and after having heartily cheered their soft and good-natured emperor. who had conceded every demand, they celebrated the almost bloodless triumph of constitutional liberty by a brilliant illumination of the city in the evening, and then resumed their previous state of placid rest. The Revolution of Austria was merely the overthrow of despotism, and the acquisition of liberty. It did not seek the removal of the reigning family, nor any organic change of government; it merely demanded and obtained the triumph of constitutional principles, sufficient to secure the enjoyment of freedom. Having no great public changes to make, it was able to cease at once from conflict and agitation when its main points were gained.

But while the Revolution in Austria Proper was brief and comparatively pacific, it assumed a different aspect in the provinces. At Vienna, the emperor lived among his people like a father in his family, and the revolutionary movement was mitigated by respect and love for him; but in the provinces, no' such benignant influence was felt, and it became a conflict of power with power. Throughout Lombardy, the struggle was fierce and bloody. In Milan, and several other cities, the Austrian garrisons maintained a desperate resistance against the insurgent inhabitants. That resistance, however, proved ineffectual. City after city drove out their respective garrisons, and obtained liberty. At length the King of Sardinia invaded Lombardy, with the avowed design of assisting the native population to drive out the Austrian troops. The Sardinian forces, it appears, came into collision with those of Austria, as the latter were retreating from Milan. A sharp conflict ensued, and the Austrians were beaten and dispersed. In this movement made by the King of Sardinia, there APRIL, 1848.

is a most dangerous element. Up till this period, there had been no interference of one country with another, each conducting its own revolution in its own way. But the Sardinian invasion of Lombardy has set the example of such interference, which is too likely to be followed. His conduct has served also to rouse the pride of the Austrians; and they are making great preparations to re-conquer Lombardy. Shrewd suspicions are entertained that the King of Sardinia is actuated by the ambitious desire of annexing Lombardy to his own dominions, which would thereby form a compact and powerful kingdom, stretching across the north of Italy, from the Gulf of Genoa to the Adriatic. What, in such a case, would be done by Tuscany, Naples, and the Papal States? They could not look tamely on, while they were being hemmed in by so strong a power, making, however fallaciously, loud pretensions to the support and extension of constitutional liberty, and calling for the resurrection of all Italy. Should this Sardinian movement advance, it seems certain to cause a European war; that is, a war in which all the chief powers of Europe would be more or less engaged, but of which the fierce and bloody vortex would be Italy itself.

Hungary and Bohemia are all but severed from Austria. Cracow, and Gallicia, the Austro-Polish province, has asserted its independence of the empire, but seems disposed to make a temporary compromise, by terming the Emperor of Austria King of Poland. How long such an arrangement could continue, if indeed it could ever actually begin, it would be rash to predict; but it is impossible to suppose that it would not, ere long, experience a dissevering shock. The besotted King of Bavaria has abdicated in favour of his son; and a constitution has been granted to the kingdom. The German provinces of Schleswick-Holstein have been detached from the kingdom of Denmark, that they might be re-united to their German fatherland. It is yet uncertain whether the King of Denmark will venture to attempt the re-conquest of these provinces by war, or whether he will shrink from the perilous consequences of such an attempt.

Beginning with Austria, we have glanced round the Continent, marking the progress of the revolutionary earthquake. But we now direct our attention to the central power- Prussia. For some considerable time past we have marked the character and the career of the Prussian monarch with deep and increasing interest. This was drawn forth partly by the condition of the country, and partly by the character and conduct of the king himself. On the peculiarities of the German mind we do not mean at present to dwell-on its extensive learning-its profound, vague, and dangerous metaphysical philosophy-its presumptunus tampering with the Bible-its speculative infidelity-its dissatisfaction with everything, past and present, and its eager craving for something new, vast, and lofty; -on these we merely glance, only for the purpose of saying that in no part of Germany did all these elements ferment and boil with greater vehemence than in Prussia. Almost the only elements of hope were those of increasing Evangelism in the Church, and the prospect of some measure of constitutional liberty in the State. In the midst of this almost chaotic scene appeared the king, in whose own mind something of all those jarring elements appeared to be contained. He could think

with the philosophers, write like a practised author, speak in a style of eloquence that would have done honour to an able orator, frame a state document which might have excited the envy of a skilful diplomatist, address a Popish audience in the Cathedral of Cologne, and converse with Evangelical ministers on the principles of sacred truth and spiritual liberty. We have often marked with intense interest the signal tact and power with which the Prussian monarch could acquit himself in every position in which he might be placed; and we have mused and wondered what would be the ultimate career of so remarkable a man. That career appears to be now opening before him, and on it he seems to be nothing loath to enter.

Berlin, like Paris and Vienna, had its revolutionary conflict. The accounts of that conflict which have been given to the public are somewhat confused. It would appear that the collision between the troops and the inhabitants was almost accidental, or arose out of some misconception on the part of the military with regard to the orders which they had received. It continued throughout an entire day, but ended in the defeat of the inhabitants. This occurred on Wednesday, the 15th of March. Next day the king withdrew to Potsdam, and there was a cessation of hostilities. Meanwhile, information of the Austrian revolution reached him, and he perceived at once in what manner a new direction might be given to the mighty movement. He framed a proclamation or decree, in which it was proposed that all Germany should be combined into one great federal state, with one federal banner, one supreme federal tribunal, one law of naturalization throughout the whole, one scheme of weights, measures, and commercial rights, with universal liberty of the press, and equality of civil and political rights for all religious persuasions. Having promulgated this truly magnificent conception, he deplored the blood that had been shed in vain, formed and armed a Burgherguard, to which he intrusted the preservation of public tranquillity, and mingled freely with the people, without betraying the least apprehension for his personal safety. The great idea flashed at once into the German mind, fusing into one every other thought and emotion. It seemed the vision of the vast and lofty future for which they had been longing, and they almost ceased to regard anything but how it might be most speedily realized.

Can it be realized? For a time, we think, it may. Not, however, as a new Germanic Empire, with Frederic William as the emperor. But it may, as a semi-regal Republic, with Frederic William as its Lord-Proprietor, its Cromwell, or its new Arminius. For such a position he seems to possess all the necessary qualities and powers. And it seems possible that he might, in the present fervour of the German mind, construct such a federal state, place himself at its head, and wield its sceptre during the term of his natural life, should no second and deeper revolutionary earthquake convulse again the Continent. The prospect of realizing such an idea suggests some strange conjectures. What would be its most probable effect with regard to civil liberty, and vital religion? Propitious in the first instance to both, but most to civil liberty. Already have its beneficial influences on civil liberty begun to appear. The German provinces of Schleswick-Holstein have already severed themselves from Denmark, and sought to be incorporated in the great Germanic

Confederacy. Poland is re-appearing from the pile of blood and ashes in which her national existence had been buried. And, although, the armed herds of Russia are mustering fast to trample down once more that ill-fated people, yet the Germanic Confederacy yields a gleam of hope for Poland. For though Prussia may give up her Polish province to the Poles, she does not mean to hand it over to the Russians; and it must be the interest of all Germany to place between her and Russian despotism the barrier of a free and powerful kingdom. Should Russia march on Posen, or on Cracow, she will be met not by Poles alone, but by Prussia at the head of Confederated Germany. Such an event would mightily consolidate the young confederacy. But when we think of the wide-spread and extensive infidelity of Germany, we cannot help regarding it as probable that the German Confederacy, and its philosophical protector, might ere long ripen into a compact, powerful, and proud infidelity, hostile to all religion and fiercely intolerant of all earnest and spiritual faith.

The prospects of the new French Republic are, in the meantime, growing darker and darker every day. Public credit is almost entirely gone. Neither work, wages, nor food can be readily obtained. The revolutionary feeling is sinking into a deeper substratum of the people. At first it was an insurrection of the middle classes against a designing and despotic monarch, and a corrupt administration. It is now assuming the aspect of an insurrection of the lowest class of the population against the middle. Already has the National Guard lost its ascendency. Innumerable clubs of fiery and factious politicians swarm in Paris. Dissatisfaction exists in the southern provinces, and ominous disturbances have begun to break out. The election of the Republican Deputies is at hand; and it is almost impossible to imagine that these elections can take place without giving rise to numerous and formidable conflicts. And as these conflicts, should they take place, will be among the lowest and densest masses of the population, and about matters that stimulate only the elements of strife and rivalry for the possession of power, there will be in them nothing to mitigate the fierce passions which they will evoke. The prospect is very dreadful: we dare not, even in thought, regard it with a stedfast gaze. Can Britain escape from the shocks and perils of this fearful period? We turn to Ireland, miserable, misgoverned, ungovernable Ireland, and shrink from venturing to answer. This only will we say, that while the wretched pretext of obtaining aid from the Pope, to govern Ireland, cannot but be regarded now as a weak and deceitful subterfuge, if still our statesmen and politicians resolve to enter into any kind of public relation with the Pope, and succeed in carrying their intention into effect, the sun of Britain will be speedily overcast with the lurid gloom of earthquake and eclipse.

Some profound lessons have been sternly taught to statesmen by these revolutions, if only they have wisdom to learn and profit by them. They may learn, that state-craft and diplomatic intrigue cannot preserve a nation; else, why fell the throne of Louis Phillippe so easily? They may learn, that despotism of the most compact and solid kind, mellowed with the paternal kindness of the despot himself, cannot preserve a government; as the fall of Austria has signally proved. They may learn, that the bewildering glare of a false philosophy and an

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equally false liberalism, cannot avert revolutionary convulsions; as the fallen or tottering thrones of Germany bear witness. They may learn, that a revolutionary movement once begun, tends not only to speed onward, but to sink downward as it advances; as the present state of France so fearfully displays. But they may learn also, that true and salutary reforms, granted in time, and conferring true constitutional liberty, civil and religious, may happily avert a revolution, or direct its progress into a salutary and pacific channel; as has been seen partly even in Austria, and more fully in Prussia.

These

But a lesson vastly more profound and important is also taught by these startling revolutions. They are manifestly beyond the power of man, either to produce or to control. They start into existence when and where they were least expected; their power appears to be altogether irresistable; they accomplish their work, and pass on. Surely we are constrained to say, the hand of Providence is here: Divine judgments are abroad in the earth. dread convulsions began in Italy, in the spurious liberalism of the new Pope. Its chief shocks have been felt in Popish countries; and in them it still continues to heave and tremble. Popish Ireland appears to be within its convulsive sweep. Protestant Germany, though more than half infidel, reels and staggers for a space, but seems likely to recover, if not to acquire even a mighty increase of stability and power.

Britain has had her mobs, composed only of the immoral and irreligious; and these have been easily suppressed. Does not all this teach most impressively, that constitutional freedom, based on and pervaded by true spiritual enlightenment, are the only true protective principles? This, we fully believe, is the great lesson which statesmen ought to learn from the present wide-spread revolution. And they ought immediately to profit by such a lesson. Every grievance should be immediately redressed; every abuse reformed; every salutary improvement carried into effect; and above all, every thing which tends to impede the progress of true spiritual enlightenment, and to prevent full spiritual liberty, should be at once removed. Nay more; every proper and competent effort should at once be made to introduce spiritual light and truth into every portion of the country, and especially into the dark and degraded masses of the community, into the dense blackness of which the private exertions of Christian benevolence have not been able to pierce. The only way, in short, by which a civil revolution can be prevented, or rendered innocuous, is to anticipate it by a moral and religious revolution.

Grave musings may arise in the mind of the thoughtful Christian whether in these revolutions, so rapidly and marvellously traversing Europe, he may not venture to conjecture that the "stone cut without hands" has begun to smite the feet, even the toes, of the image, the ten kingdoms into which the ancient Roman Empire was divided, and that the time of its being broken to pieces is at hand. He may hesitate to bestow much confidence on either his own or any other person's attempt to interpret prophecy; but he will watch narrowly and read carefully the signs of the times, both that he may be found watching and praying, whatever event may take place, and that his faith may be strengthened rather than shaken, when he seems to perceive the glorious marching of Divine Providence, the forth-putting of divine power