tated there the management of the fugar plantations in St. Tho mas and Madeira with fuch fuccefs, that both thefe iflands loft their fugar trade, and the Portuguese were enabled to monopolife the flave trade. Towards the latter end of the fixteenth century, the Brafils annually received twenty-eight thoufand negroe flaves from Angola only; and fome of its planters are faid to have been poffeffed of not less than ten thousand flaves, and eighteen fugar works. Even then they used to mark the flaves with hot irons. And they alfo employed Brafilians carried off by force from the inland parts of the country. The permiffions for thus kidnapping and carrying off the natives into flavery, were openly fold by the Portuguefe governors; and thefe licensed kidnappers fetched their commodities from the moft inacceffible forefts and wilderneffes. To the end of the fixteenth century, the Negroe flave-trade was carried on only by Portuguese and Spanish merchants, who fetched their flaves from the Portuguese fettlements. When the Portuguese became fubjects to Spain, under Philip II. they engroffed the whole Spanish Negroe-trade to themselves. Spain entirely ceased her trade to Guinea, and to the islands of Cape Verd; and from that time to the peace concluded at Pardo, fuffered her colonies to be furnished with Negroes by other nations. John Hawkins, a dealer in flaves, got, in 1565, the firft potatoes, for fhip provifions, from the inhabitants of Santa Fé, in New Spain; he introduced the root into Ireland, whence it was farther propagated through all the northern parts of Europe. In 1610, the Portuguese loft the moft profitable branch of their Negroe trade, with the liberty of trading to the Spanish Indies, on account of the revolution of Portugal. As the Spaniards themfelves could not trade to Guinea, on account of their war with Portugal, Dutch merchants offered to carry on that trade for them. The Dutch had traded with Guinea for gold ever fince 1593; and whilft they were mafters of the Brafils, they alfo carried on a confiderable flave trade: but their proposals were declined by the chamber or court of trade, at Seville. In 1662, the crown contracted again for seven years with two Italians, of the name of Grilli, for flaves. This company of the Grilli purchased their flaves from the English, the Dutch, the French, and the Danes, who had then fettled in Guinea. But this trade probably declined and ceafed when the Spanish power was fo exceedingly weakened towards the end of the last century. The author has fubjoined fome additions: first, a minute account of the English fettlements on the Gold Coast, and in Senegambia; the fecond, of the prefent price of flaves. Formerly a Negro flave was to be got fo cheap as for a few yards of coarfe cloth; and towards the end of the last century, the Negroes fold a full-grown Negroe flave for two or three quarts of brandy; but the price has fince been greatly raised by the competition of European flave-merchants. That price depends on the peaceable or warlike difpofition of the Negroe princes, and on the greater or fmaller number of flaving fhips. It is alfo greatly influenced by the nature of the European commodities, where the dealers never use to purchase flaves with any one fingle commodity, but always contrive to mix dear and cheap articles with a great deal of cunning and profit. The English are faid to purchase at prefent an able full-grown flave, on the coaft of Africa, for 23 or 241. value, in commodities, though thefe are faid to be in fact worth only about 181. The flaving veffels retail their flaves again in America, at the rate of 50l. per head: but in larger parcels, comprising men and women, they may be got at the rate of 361. per head. This, however, is to be understood of Negroes fit only for fugar works; for fuch as are fit for other forts of work are paid for according to their skill; and in a scarcity of hands fometimes even at four times the price of ordinary Negroe flaves. MONTHLY CATALOGUE. Second Letter to a Country Gentleman. 8vo. 1s. 6d. Stockdale. TH HIS fenfible writer, of whofe former Letter to a Country Gentleman we gave an account in our laft Review, proceeds to make farther obfervations on those political fubjects, which have lately fo much attracted the public attention. It has, he remarks, ferved the purposes of a faction to talk of a want of the confidence of the houfe of commons in the minifter; but it is fit for honeft men to confider what is to be the effect of a want of the confidence of the people in the representatives of the people. It is fincerely to be wished that fuch a confideration may at length be adopted by thofe who have been the abettors of the violent measures which reflect so much dishonour on the public fpirit of the nation. In fpeaking of the late refolutions in the houfe of commons, the author declares, with a fpirit of liberal indignation, that he could not submit to fit for one hour in that houfe, without moving to refcind those resolutions, as the only means of reftoring to the house the confidence of its conftituents, in which its dignity, and even its authority, confifts. After feveral judicious obfervations on the conduct of parliament, the author makes a transition to the affairs of the East India company, concerning which he affirms, that he cannot think of governing India by act of parliament, without fcorn and contempt for the idea. However repugnant this fentiment may be to the hypothefis generally adopted on the subject of Eaft India government, we are of opinion that, when deliberately confidered, it will appear to be founded in good policy. In a country fo remote, accustomed from the earliest times to a defpotic defpotic adminiftration, and contiguous to nations of a fimilar political temperament, that form of government which can be adminiftered with the greateft vigour, energy, and effect, muft doubtless be the moft eligible. In the opinion of our author, fuch a government ought to be in the hands of one man, affisted by a council refident in India, in whom the most implicit confidence is to be repofed; and who fhall be refponfible for it in Britain, at the peril of his life and fortune. Mr. Burke's Speech, on the 1ft December, 1783, on Mr. Fox's EaftIndia Bill. 8vo. 25. Dodfley. In this speech Mr. Burke takes a wide furvey of the affairs of the Eaft-India company, which he reprefents to be in a state of great diforder, through the rapacity and mifconduct of the company's fervants in the Eaft. The facts upon which he proceeds being frequently unauthenticated, and appearing at leaft fufpicious, if not manifeftly marked with exaggeration, we cannot admit them to fuch a degree of credit as is neceffary for rendering them fubfervient to the author's conclufions. The speech is obviously calculated rather to enforce the expediency of the bill, than to afford a candid representation of the ma nagement of the company's affairs in Afia; and, confiftently with fuch a defign, it is, like most of this ingenious author's orations, addreffed more to the imagination than to the underftanding. As if Mr. Burke had been fenfible that the bill ftood in need of the utmoft fupport that could be obtained, he has artfully endeavoured to give it reflected merit, by concluding with a high panegyric on the right hon. gentleman who framed it. The speaker may, no doubt, maintain that those compliments proceeded from a fource entirely unconnected with any view towards the fuccefs of the bill; but however wellfounded the encomiums may be, we should have been more inclined to confider them as a tribute of personal esteem, did they not betray an attempt to impress the audience with partiality. A Reply to Mr. Burke's Speech of the 1ft of December, 1783, on Mr. Fox's Eaft-India Bill. By Major John Scott. 8vo. 15. 6d. Debrett. We had occafion to obferve, in our laft Review, that major Scott appeared to be well acquainted with affairs in the EaftIndies; and our opinion on that fubject is farther confirmed by the prefent Letter. That the major avails himself of every opportunity of information, feems highly probable from his induftry; for he has fo carefully collated the copy of Mr. Burke's fpeech, as published by Mr. Dodsley, with that formerly printed in the news papers, that he affirms it has received great alterations, both in refpect of matter and embellishment. In its improved ftate, the major hesitates not to pronounce it an artful, though a grofs and glaring mifreprefentation of all the events that have happened in India from VOL. LVII. Feb. 1784. the the year 1756 to the present time. Without entering upon a detail of the numerous parts of the fpeech on which Mr. Scott has commented, it is fufficient to inform our readers of what he affirms in general, viz. that from the first page to the laft, he can detect infinuation without ground; affertion without proof; facts without evidence; language unwarrantably contrued; unjuft inferences; and unfair conclufions.' A Letter to the People of England, and, in particular, to the Electors of Westminster, concerning the Man of the People. 4to. 15. Debrett. This pamphlet treats of the various political topics which have lately been fo much agitated. The author's ftyle is diffufe; but his obfervations in general have a degree of fhrewdness. The chief object of his remarks is the Man of the People; whofe conduct he traces from the origin of that title, amidst the jollity of fome zealous partizans at a tavern, to the present time. The refult of the enquiry, as conducted by this political chemift, is, that the Man of the People is deftitute of loyalty, patriotifm, public integrity, and even of found abilities as a itatefman. An Addrefs to the Majority of the House of Commons. 8vo. 15. Flexney. This Addrefs is written with the view of exposing the duplicity of those who take the lead in the prefent oppofition to government. The author points out the most striking inftances, which prove their conduct to be influenced entirely by private confiderations: and he recommends to the members of the house of commons to emancipate themselves from the authority of men who would facrifice the interefts of the nation to their own aggrandizement. The admonition is highly feafonable; nor can we fuppofe that a majority of the house of commons will persevere in that intemperate conduct, which muft draw upon them the general cenfure of all who are animated with a regard for the conftitution of their country. A Letter to the Right Hon. William Pitt, from a Prefbyterian of the Kirk of Scotland. To which is added, a fhort Epifle to William Pulteney, Efq. 8vo. IS. Debrett. It redounds not a little to the honour of the minifter, that his enemies, finding no member of the church hardy enough to attack his reputation, are obliged to have recourse to the kirk of Scotland. The kirk, in its turn, feems equally averfe to the employment; and has furnished fuch a champion as betrays either his own inability, or the weakness of the cause. This Calvinift, in reality, has nothing of religion but the name; and when we fay that he is equally void of political truth, we do no injuftice to his character.Sabjoined to the Letter, is a fhort Epiftle to William Pulteney, Efq. in which the author endeavours to refute the application, made by that gentleman, of the principles of De Lolme. But this attempt is not more fuccefsful than the former; and for both these acts of political uncleannefs, we cannot do better than recommend this prefbyterian to be placed on the flool of repentance. A bort commercial and political Letter from Mr. Jofeph Price to the Right Hon. Charles James Fox, on the Subject of his Afiatic Bills, now pending in Parliament. 8vo. 15. 6d. Stockdale. Mr. Price begins with animadverting upon a clause in Mr. Fox's Eaft India bill, prohibiting indifcriminately all monopolies at Bengal; a prohibition which he affirms would prove as pernicious, with refpect to the general trade of Bengal, as laying open the trade to India would be to this country. He obferves, that the prefent plan for fupporting the home-made Bengal falt-trade, by excluding the importation of foreign falt, is the leaft oppreffive to the people, and moft productive to government, that ever was thought of. With refpect to opium, he afferts, in defiance of the ninth Report, that this beneficial branch of trade could not be ruined more effectually than by laying it open. From Mr. Price's knowlege of India, his opinion concerning the propofed regulations of that country certainly merit attention; and, in a variety of particulars, independently of the political effects on Great Britain, he very much difapproves of Mr. Fox's bill. Obfervations on the Principles and Tendency of the Eaft India Bills propofed by the Right Hon. Charles James Fox, and the Right Hon. William Pitt; with Short Sketches of their Political Characters. 8vo. Is. 6d. Stockdale. The unconstitutional principles, and pernicious tendency, of the former of these bills, are here contralted with the moderation and efficiency of the latter; as are likewife the characters of the two diftinguished gentlemen by whom the bills were respectively introduced. The author's obfervations feem no less just than candid; and they preponderate greatly in favour of the character of Mr. Pitt. Confiderations on the prefent Situation of Great Britain and the United States of North America, with a View to their future Commercial Connections. 8vo. 2s. 6d. Stockdale. The author of this pamphlet endeavours to fhew, in oppofition to the plan recommended by lord Sheffield, that Great Britain ought not, upon the principles of good policy, to prohibit the American ftates from trading with our Weft India iflands. In fupport of this propofition, he is at great pains to convince the public, that a free trade with America would be highly advantageous to this country, on many confiderations. One of thefe relates to the building of merchant-veffels, which he fays might be procured from America thirty per cent, cheaper than they can be built in Great Britain, even upon the fuppofition that the cordage, fails, and ftores, fhould be exported L 2 thence. |