"It is an extraordinary stretch of power, in an extraordinary time, when we are endeavoring to make good before the world our right to its respect as an enlightened people-a people capable of self-government, and of governing themselves in a manner worthy of the civilization and light of the age; and this act, borrowed from the darkest period of tyranny, is dug up from the very quarries of despotism, and put forth as our sentiments. They are not my sentiments; and sorry will I be if in this sentiment I am solitary and alone. With regard to that which requires the violation of professional confidence, he must be better instructed before making up his mind to the order of responsibility or not. There are cases where it is dishonor or death-and death will certainly be chosen by every man who deserves the name." (See S. CAROLINA.)

* * *

All property in corporations, such as stock or bonds of railroad companies, banks, &c., held by citizens of the Northern States, was easily traced out and very generally sequestrated. Such property also as was the basis of mercantile and commercial enterprise, was extensively confiscated, but interests in estates, and that class of property which passes through kindred and friends, was extensively covered up. The enforcement of the law gradually ceased with the decline of that bitterness of spirit which existed at the time of its passage. It was also understood that, as a measure of severity against Northern citizens, it would be of no avail. Where allegiance was given by a citizen, protection was due by the Government. Under this principle the Government of the United States would in justice be required to compensate its citizens for their losses. A sequestration act was passed by the Federal Congress. (See UNITED STATES.) Its enforcement was temporary.

On the 8th of July, while Colonel Porter was reconnoitring for a camp for his brigade about six miles from Arlington, on the Virginia side of the Potomac, opposite Washington, Lieutenant-Colonel Taylor, an officer in the Confederate army, presented himself with a flag of truce. He stated that he was the bearer of

despatches from the President of the Confed

erate States to President Lincoln. He was taken to the head-quarters at Arlington, and at evening conveyed to Washington. His letter was sent to President Lincoln, and the next day he returned. No answer was given to this communication, the contents of which were as follows:

RICHMOND, July 6, 1981.

To Abraham Lincoln, President and Commander-inChief of the Army and Navy of the United States: SIR:

: Having learned that the schooner Savannah, a private armed vessel in the service and sailing under a commission issued by authority of the Confederate States of America, had been captured by one of the vessels forming the blockading squadron off Charleston harbor, I directed a proposition to be made to the officer commanding that squadron for an exchange of the officers and crew of the Savannah for prisoners of war held by this Government, "according to number and rank." To this proposition, made on the 19th ultimo, Captain Mercer, the officer in command of the blockading squadron, made answer on the same day that "the prisoners (referred to) are not on board of any of the vessels under my command." It now appears, by statements made without contradiction in newspapers published in New York, that the prisoners above mentioned were conveyed to that city, and have been treated, not as prisoners of war, but as in jail, brought before the courts of justice on charges criminals; that they have been put in irons, confined of piracy and treason; and it is even rumored that they have been actually convicted of the offences charged, for no other reason than that they bore arms in defence of the rights of this Government, and under the authority of its commission.

I could not, without grave discourtesy, have made the newspaper statements above referred to the subject of this communication, if the threat of treating as pirates the citizens of this Confederacy, armed for its service on the high seas, had not been contained in your proclamation of 19th April last; that proclamation, however, seems to afford a sufficient justification for considering these published statements as not devoid of probability.

It is the desire of this Government so to conduct the war now existing as to mitigate its horrors, as far as may be possible; and, with this intent, its treatment of the prisoners captured by its forces has been marked by the greatest humanity and leniency consistent with public obligation. Some have been permitted to resimilar conditions within this Confederacy, and all turn home on parole, others to remain at large under have been furnished with rations for their subsistence, such as are allowed to our own troops. It is only since the news has been received of the treatment of compelled to withdraw these indulgences and to bold the prisoners taken on the Savannah that I have been the prisoners taken by us in strict confinement.

A just regard to humanity and to the honor of this Government now requires me to state explicitly that, deal out to the prisoners held by it the same treatment painful as will be the necessity, this Government will and the same fate as shall be experienced by those captured on the Savannah; and if driven to the ter rible necessity of retaliation by your execution of any of the officers or crew of the Savannah, that retaliation will be extended so far as shall be requisite to secure the abandonment of a practice unknown to the warfare of civilized man, and so barbarous as to disgrace the nation which shall be guilty of inaugurating it.

With this view, and because it may not have reached you, I now renew the proposition made to the commander of the blockading squadron, to exchange for the prisoners taken on the Savannah an equal number of those now held by us, according to rank. I am, sir, yours, &c., JEFFERSON DAVIS, Navy of the Confederate States. President and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and

In his message to Congress on the 20th of July, President Davis refers to this despatch sent to Washington, and after stating the rea sons upon which it was sent, thus proceeds:

"To this end I despatched an officer under a flag of truce to President Lincoln, and informed

him of my resolute purpose to check all barbarities on prisoners of war by such severity of retaliation on prisoners held by us as should secure the abandonment of the practice. This communication was received and read by an officer in command of the United States forces, and a message was brought from him by the bearer of my communication that a reply would be returned by President Lincoln as soon as possible. I earnestly hope this promised reply (which has not yet been received) will convey the assurance that prisoners of war will be treated, in this unhappy contest, with that regard for humanity which has made such conspicuous progress in the conduct of modern warfare. As measures of precaution, however, and until this promised reply is received, I shall retain in close custody some officers captured from the enemy, whom it had been my pleasure previously to set at large on parole, and whose fate must necessarily depend on that of prisoners held by the enemy."

Still later in the year, another case of this kind occurred. The captain and crew' who were captured in the privateer Jefferson Davis were brought to Philadelphia and tried, and found guilty of piracy. The sentence of the law in such a case is death. For the purpose of rescuing these men, retaliatory measures were adopted by the Confederate Government. What the measures were, and the manner in which they were put in force, is shown by the orders of the Government authorities, as follows:

C. S. A. WAR DEPARTMENT, RICHMOND, Nov. 9, 1861.

SIR: You are hereby instructed to choose, by lot, from among the prisoners of war of highest rank, one who is to be confined in a cell appropriated to convicted felons, and who is to be treated in all respects as if such convict, and to be held for execution in the same manner as may be adopted by the enemy for the execution of the prisoner of war Smith, recently condemned to death in Philadelphia.

You will also select thirteen other prisoners of war, the highest in rank of those captured by our forces, to be confined in the cells reserved for prisoners accused of infamous crimes, and will treat them as such so long as the enemy shall continue so to treat the like number of prisoners of war captured by them at sea, and now held for trial in New York as pirates.

As these measures are intended to repress the infamous attempt now made by the enemy to commit judicial murder on prisoners of war, you will execute them strictly, as the mode best calculated to prevent the commission of so heinous a crime.

Your obedient servant,
J. P. BENJAMIN,

Acting Secretary of War. To Brig. Gen. JOHN H. WINDER, Richmond, Va.

In choosing the thirteen from the highest rank to be held for a like number of prisoners of war captured by the enemy at sea, there being only ten field officers, it was necessary to draw by lot three captains. The first names drawn were Captains J. B. Ricketts, H. McQuade, and J. W. Rockwood.

The list of thirteen will therefore stand: Colonels Lee, Cogswell, Wilcox, Woodruff, and Wood; Lieutenant-Colonels Bowman and Neff; Majors Potter, Revere, and Vogdes; Captains Ricketts, McQuade, and

Rockwood.

Respectfully, your obedient servant,

JOHN H. WINDER, Brigadier-General. Hon. J. P. BENJAMIN, Secretary of War.

HEAD-QUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF HENRICO,
RICHMOND, VA., Nov. 12, 1861.

SIR: In obedience to your instructions, all the wounded officers have been exempted as hostages, to await the result of the trial of prisoners captured by the enemy at sea. have therefore made selections, by lot, of Captains H. Bowman and T. Keffer, to replace Captains Ricketts and McQuade, wounded.

The list of thirteen will now stand: Colonels Lee, Cogswell, Wilcox, Woodruff, and Wood; LieutenantColonels Bowman and Neff; Majors Potter, Revere, and Vogdes; Captains Rockwood, Bowman, and Keffer. Respectfully, your obedient servant,

JOHN H. WINDER, Brigadier-General. Hon. J. P. BENJAMIN, Sec'y of War, Richmond.

The privateersmen were ultimately put on the footing of prisoners of war by the orders of the Federal Government, and these prisoners in the Confederate States were early released, with the exception of Colonel Corcoran.

These extreme measures, whether adopted by the Federal or Confederate Governments, were not prosecuted for any length of time with that bitterness or vindictiveness which might be anticipated from the language in which they are expressed. Neither was the treatment of prisoners on either side, with some exceptions, marked by that harshness and severity which characterized former wars, and especially civil wars. The sentiment of mankind forbade, either at the North or South, any thing like a system of cruelty to captives.

The internal affairs of the Confederate States were early placed upon an organized and efficient system. The withdrawal from the United States, and the creation of a Confederacy, caused but few changes, and these consisted rather in the persons who held public offices, than in any change in the nature of the offices themselves.

The transmission of the mails was gradually suspended by the Federal Government, after the secession of each State, and was entirely assumed by the Confederate Government within the limits of the Confederate States after the 31st of May.

All postmasters, route agents, and special agents acting under the authority of the United States, were directed, on and after the 1st day of June, to continue in the discharge of their duties, subject to the laws and regulations of the Confederate Government, to which they were required to apply for new commissions. They were also instructed to render their final accounts up to the 31st day of May, to the Post

Office Department at Washington, and to return, at the same time, all postage stamps and stamped envelopes belonging to the United State, and to retain in their possession all the revenue which should have accrued from the postal service previous to the 1st of June, to meet the orders of the Postmaster-General of the United States for the payment of mail-service within the Confederate States.

Postmasters were forbidden to collect postage on mail matter sent to or received from the United States until a postal treaty should be made by that Government with the Southern Confederacy; and, until postage stamps and stamped envelopes were furnished, all mail matter was required to be paid for in money.

Five cents were charged for every single sealed letter conveyed over a distance of less than five hundred miles within the limits of the Confederacy; and for any distance exceeding that point, double that rate. Newspapers published within the Confederate States and sent from the office to subscribers residing in the said States, were charged as follows: weeklies, ten cents per quarter; semi-weeklies, double that amount; triweeklies, treble that amount; papers published six times a week, sixty cents; and dailies seventy cents. Periodicals published oftener than biennially were charged as newspapers. Books, bound or unbound, not weighing over four pounds, were charged at two cents an ounce for any distance. Double the rates above specified were to be charged upon all newspapers published beyond the limits of the Confederate States. The new postage stamp did not make its appearance until the 18th of October. It was green, with a portrait of President Davis, within a double oval border, surrounded with the inscription, "Confederate States of America." Outside of the circle, and at the head of the stamp, is the word "postage," and at the lower edge its denomination, "five cents.”

The Courts of the United States were also organized as courts of the Confederate States, and the officers of the army and navy of the United States, who resigned, became officers in the army and navy of the Confederate States. Revenue officers in like manner continued as such under the new Government.

At the session of Congress in July at Richmond, the report of the Secretary of War stated the number of regiments of troops then accepted was 194, and 32 battalions, besides various detachments of artillery, and companies of cavalry. He urged the continued acceptance of troops until the number reached 300 regiments. The success at Bull Run awakened such a degree of enthusiasm and confidence in the ultimate triumph of the Confederacy, that the army, in a short time, increased to a greater number than had been anticipated. Forward movements were made from Manassas and Centreville, and the flag of the "Stars and Bars" was flaunted from the summit of Munson's Hill, where the inhabitants of the city of Washington could see its folds proudly waving. At this

time, a division of opinion existed even in the Cabinet of President Davis, on the policy of a forward movement of the army. It was ap prehended by those who were opposed, that an attack upon and destruction of the Capital would thoroughly arouse the North. Some asserted that the true policy at that time, was to await the action of the French and English Governments, and thus the difficulties might be arranged without further effusion of blood. At the same time, the army was desirous of a forward movement, the capture of Washington, the recovery of Maryland, and the possession of Baltimore for their winter-quarters. The final decision was adverse to a forward movement. The rapid increase in the Federal force, its improving discipline and reorganization, rendered doubtful the result. A change was also made in the war policy of the Federal Government, the design of which now was to attack the Confederate States elsewhere than in Virginia. All these circumstances exerted a controlling influence when united with others which existed within the Confederacy itself. These consisted in a lack of transportation, and those more indispensable means to the success of an attempt at invasion, an abundance of money. Nevertheless, the military efforts of the Government were on a most extensive scale. Troops were organized and sent to intrenched camps in Kentucky. (See KENTUCKY.) Forces were maintained in Western Virginis and an active campaign carried on. (See VIGINIA.) In Missouri, although left in a manner by the Government to take care of herself, the most active military operations took place. (See MISSOURI.) The talents and skill of the Commanding General, Price, enabled him to sustain himself, and carry on an active campaign with less assistance and encouragement from the Government than any officer in the army.

At this moment, the solvent or specie-paying banks refused to receive the Confederate Treas ury notes, and were calling in all their own circulation. They also refused to receive the bills of suspended banks, and both Treasury notes and suspended bills sunk from eight to fifteen per cent., and in the cities of the Gulf States were refused by mechanics and tradesmen. Embarrassment, discouragement, and uncertainty settled upon whole communities. The valuable paper was rapidly decreasing and disappearing, while the other was as rapidly increasing. All who could, drew specie from the banks, and millions of dollars were hid away or buried.

From this period, which was the month of September, the favorable aspect of affairs in the Confederate States began to decline, and before the close of the year, the subject of drafting soldiers to serve in the army was setively discussed. The entire forces in the field at any time scarcely exceeded 290,000 men, and many of those were militia, rather than soldiers enlisted for a long war.

Financial affairs became more and more embarrassed, and the sale of the year's crops, upon which an agricultural people always relies, being cut off, the planters and agriculturalists found themselves sadly crippled. Clothing and arms were deficient for the army, and the means of increasing the latter were too defective to promise a sufficient supply, unless they could be obtained in Europe, and imported in spite of the blockade.

On the 6th of November, an election was held for a President and Vice-President under the permanent constitution. President Davis and Vice-President Stephens were the candidates without opposition. The electoral votes of the States respectively were as follows: Alabama

Mississippi.

11 North Carolina..... 6 South Carolina..... 4 Tennessee 12 Texas

8 Virginia.

9

12

8

13

8

18

Total............ 109 Messrs. Davis and Stephens were elected President and Vice-President for the term of six years. They entered upon the duties of their offices under this election, in the ensuing month of February.

The extent of attachment for the Federal Union, which remained among the people of the Confederate States, can never be justly known. It was not prudent to express such sentiments, however ardently they might have been entertained. Neither was it any less imprudent to express sentiments in favor of secession in the United States. Doubtless a large number of the people were disposed to acquiesce in the result, whichever side triumphed. In some parts of the Confederate States, such as Western Virginia, the Union sentiment was irresistible; in other parts it was kept in subjection by the strong arm of military power. Such was the case in Eastern Tennessee. The following correspondence between the Colonel commanding a post in that region of country, and the Confederate Secretary of War, reyeals the strength of the Union attachment among the people:

KNOXVILLE, Nov. 20, 1861.

J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of War: SIR: The rebellion in East Tennessee has been put down in some of the counties, and will be effectually suppressed in a few weeks in all the counties. Their camps in Sweet and Hamilton counties have been broken up, and a large number of them made prisoners. Some are confined in jail at this place, and others sent to Nashville. In a former communication I inquired of the Department what I should do with them. It is a mere farce to arrest them, and turn them over to the courts-instead of having the effect to intimidate, it really gives encouragement and emboldens them in their traitorous conduct.

We have now in custody some of their leaders: Judge Patterson, the son-in-law of Andrew Johnson; Colonel Pickens, the Senator in the Legislature from Sevier and other counties; and several members of the Legislatare, besides others of influence and some distinction in their counties. These men have encouraged this rebellion, but have so managed as not to be found in arms; nevertheless, all their actions and words have been hostile to the Confederate States. The influence

of their wealth, position, and connection has been exerted in favor of the Lincoln Government, and they Tennessee. They really deserve the gallows, and if are the parties most to blame for the troubles in East consistent with the laws, ought speedily to receive their deserts. But there is such a gentle spirit of conciliation in the South, that I have no idea that one of jury empanelled to try them. I have been here at them will receive such a sentence at the hands of any this station, for three months, half the time in command of the post, and I have had a good opportunity of learning the feeling pervading the country; it is hostile to the Confederate Government. They are the followers and slaves of Johnson and Maynard, and never intend to be otherwise. When accosted, they suddenly become very submissive, and declare they are for peace, and not supporters of the Lincoln Government, but yet they claim to be Union men. At one time, when our forces were at Knoxville, they gave it out that great changes were taking place in East Tennessee, and the people were becoming reconciled and loyal.

At the withdrawal of the army from here to the Gap, and the first intimation of the approach of the Lincoln army, they were in arms, and there was scarcely a man but who was ready to join the enemy and make war upon us.

I have to suggest at least that the prisoners I have taken be treated, if not as traitors, as prisoners of war. To release them would be ruinous-to convict them in a court next to an impossibility. But if they are kept in prison six months, it will have a good effect. The bridge-burners ought to be tried at once. Very respectfully, W. B. WOOD. Colonel commanding post.

BENJAMIN'S REPLY.

WAR DEPARTMENT, RICHMOND,
Nov. 25, 1861.

COL. W. B. WOOD-SIR: Your report of the 20th inst. is received, and I now proceed to give you the desired instructions in relation to the prisoners taken by you amongst the traitors of East Tennessee.

1st. All such as can be identified in having been engaged in bridge-burning are to be tried summarily by drum-head court-martial, and if found guilty, executed on the spot by hanging. It would be well to leave their bodies hanging in the vicinity of the burnt bridges.

2d. All such as have not been so engaged, are to be treated as prisoners of war, and sent with an armed guard to Tuscaloosa, Alabama, there to be kept imprisoned at the depot selected by the Government for prisoners of war.

Whenever you can discover that arms are concensearch for, and seize the arms. In no case is one of trated by these traitors, you will send out detachments, the men known to have been up in arms against the Government, to be released on any pledge or oath of allegiance. The time for such measures is past. They till the end of the war. Such as come in voluntarily, are all to be held as prisoners of war, and held in jail take the oath of allegiance, and surrender their arms, are alone to be treated with leniency. Your vigilant execution of these orders is earnestly urged by the Government.

Your obedient servant,

J. P. BENJAMIN, Secretary of War. P. S.-Judge Patterson, Colonel Pickens, and other ring-leaders of the same class, must be sent at once to Tuscaloosa to jail, as prisoners of war.

The year finally closed with one of the most decisive blows to the hopes of the Confederate States for a speedy triumph, which could possibly occur. The chief reliance for success, entertained by the Confederate authorities and people, was founded upon the expectation of certain interference by England and France to

break up the blockade and open their trade. Messrs Mason and Slidell were sent out as Commissioners, the former to England and the latter to France, to negotiate treaties with those Governments. They were captured when on board an English steamer, (see TRENT,) on their way to England, and taken to Boston, and incarcerated in Fort Warren. It was believed in the Confederate States that the crisis had now come-England would demand the surrender of these Commissioners, which the United States would refuse, and war would immediately ensue between the latter power and Great Britain. All eyes were now turned with intense interest to view the conduct of England. The stormy weather delayed the arrival of the news. The first report brought, stated the immense military preparations she was making. The next brought a demand for the immediate surrender of the Commissioners, or the alternative of the retirement of the British Minister. Three days of great public anxiety ensued. On the fourth day the Commissioners were surrendered, (see DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE,) and the hopes of the Confederate States for foreign intervention were dashed to the ground, never to rise again. The Government of the Confederate States at the close of the year was as follows:

JEFFERSON DAVIS, of Mississippi, President. ALEX. H. STEPHENS, of Georgia, Vice-President. Col. JOSEPH DAVIS, of Mississippi, Aid to the President. Capt. R. JOSSELYN, of Mississippi, Private Secretary of the President.

R. M. T. HUNTER, Va., Secretary of State. WILLIAM M. BROWNE, Assistant Secretary of State. P. P. DANDRIGE, Chief Clerk.

C. G. MEMMINGER, S. C., Secretary of the Treasury. P. CLAYTON, Ga., Assistant Secretary of the Treasury. H. D. CAPERS, Chief Clerk of the Department. LEWIS CRUGER, S. C., Comptroller and Solictor. BOLLING BAKER, Ga., 1st Auditor. W. H. S. TAYLOR, La., 2d Auditor. ROBERT TYLER, Va., Register. E. C. ELMORE, Ala., Treasurer.

J. P. BENJAMIN, La., Secretary of War. A. T. BLEDSOE, Va., Chief Clerk of the Department. 8. COOPER, Va., Adjutant and Inspector-General of the C. S. Army. Lieut.-Col. B. CHILTON and Capt. J. WITHERS, S. C., Assistants Adjutant and Inspector-General. Col. R. TAYLOR, Ky., Quartermaster-General. Col. A. C. MYERS, 8. C., Assistant Quartermaster-General. Lieut.-Col. NORTHROP, S. C., Commissary-General. Col. J. GORGAS., Va., Chief of Ordnance. Col. 8. P. MOORE, (M. D.,) S. C., Surgeon-General. Capt. C. H. SMITH, (M. D.,) Va., As sistant Surgeon-General. Capt. LEG. G. CAPERS, (M. D) S. C., Chief Clerk of the Medical Department. Major D. HUBBARD, Ala., Commissioner of Indian Affairs.

S. R. MALLORY, Fla., Secretary of the Navy. Com. E. M. TIDBALL, Va., Chief Clerk of the Department. Com. D. N. INGRAHAM, S. C., Chief of Ordnance, Construction, and Repair. Capt. GEORGE MINOR, Va., Inspector of Ordnance. Com. L. ROSSEAU, La., Chief of Equipment, Recruiting Orders, and Detail. Capt. W. A. SPOTTS WOOD, (M. D.) Va., Chief of Medicine and Surgery. Capt. JOHN DEBREE, Chief of Clothing and Provisions.

Ex-Gov. BRAGG, N. C., Attorney-General. WADE KEYS, Ala., Assistant Attorney-General. R. R. RHODES, Miss., Commissioner of Patents. G. E. W. NELSON, Ga., Superintendent of Public Printing. R. M. SMITH, Va,

Public Printer.

JOHN H. REAGAN, Texas, Postmaster-General. H. S. OFFUT, Va., Chief Contract Bureau. B. N. CLEMENTS, Tenn., Chief Appointment Bureau. J. L. HARRELL, Ala, Chief Finance Bureau. W. D. MILLER, Texas, Chief Clerk of Department.

CONGRESS, CONFEDERATE. No sooner was secession an organized fact in South Carolina with a certainty that other States would soon arrive at the same result, than suggestions

were made for a Southern Confederacy. A committee in the Legislature of Mississippi, on Jan. 19, reported resolutions to provide for a Southern Confederacy and establish a Provisional Government. Florida, Alabama, and Georgia at once approved of this general design, and delegates were appointed to a Congress to be held at Montgomery. The design of this Congress, as then understood, was to organize a new Confederacy of the seceding slaveholding States, and such other slaveholding States as should secede and join them; and to establish first, a Provisional Government, intended to prepare for the general defence of those States which were linked together by a common interest in the peculiar institution, and which were opposed to the Federal Union; second, make treaties with the United States and "other foreign" countries; third, obtain decisive legislation in regard to the negro; and, fourthly, determine what States should constitute the Confederacy.

On the 4th of February this Congress met at Montgomery, in a hall, on the walls of which, portraits of Marion, Clay, Andrew Jackson, and several of Washington were hanging. It was composed of the following members, except those from Texas who were not appointed until Feb. 14:

South Carolina.-R. B. Rhett, James Chesnut, fr., W. P. Miles, T. J. Withers, R. W. Barnwell, C. G. Memminger, L M. Keitt, and W. W. Boyce.

Georgia.-Robert Toombs, Howell Cobb, Benjamin H Hill, Alexander H. Stephens, Francis Bartow, Martis d Crawford, E. A. Nisbett, Augustus B. Wright, Thomas E. R. Cobb, and Augustus Keenan.

Alabama.-Richard W. Walker, Robert H. Smith, Coin J. McRae, John Gill Shorter, S. F. Hale, David P. Lewa Thomas Fearn, J. L. M. Curry, and W. P. Chilton.

Mississippi-Willie P. Harris, Walker Brooke, A. M Clayton, W. S. Barry, J. T. Harrison, J. A. P. Campbell, and W. S. Wilson.

Louisiana.-John Perkins, jr., Duncan F. Kenner, C. M. Conrad, E. Spencer, and Henry Marshall.

Florida. Jackson Morton, James Powers, and J. P. Anderson.

Texas.-L. T. Wigfall, J. H. Reagan, J. Hemphill, T. X. Waul, Judge Gregg, Judge Oldham, and Judge W. E Ochiltree.

All the members were present except Mr. Morton, of Florida, and the members from Texas. A permanent organization was made by the election of Howell Cobb, of Georgia, as Chairman, and J. J. Hooper, of Montgomery, Alabama, Secretary.

Mr. Cobb, on taking the chair, made an address. He said:

66

Accept, gentlemen of the Convention, my sincere thanks for the honor you have conferred upon me. I shall endeavor, by a faithful and impartial discharge of the duties of the Chair, to merit, in some degree, at least, the confdence you have reposed in me.

"The occasion which assembles us together, is one of no ordinary character. We meet as representatives of soveregin and independent States, who, by their solemn judgment, bare dissolved the political association which ennected them with the Government of the United States. Of the causes which have led