they were under, he meant to recommend himself to the ministry. By the same intention he was induced, in a great measure, to refuse his consent to the grants made to Mr. Bollan and Mr. De Berdt's executors by this assembly, as he had done in respect to those made by the preceding. These refusals served to keep up the animosity.

The disposition to import goods into the Massachusetts, in defiance of the laws of revenue and trade, and to support such practices by open violences upon the officers, whose duty it was to carry the laws into execution, broke out upon many occasions; and, as usual, the magistrates declined giving their assistance and support, being in principle opposed to such laws, as fundamentally defective in point of rectitude. The like disposition to import goods prevailed in the other colonies; but there was no call to go into the like open violences.

[Dec. 3.] Mr. Otis, jun. was carried off in a post-chaise, bound hand and foot, his reasoning powers being wholly deranged. This calamity, which somewhat lessens the weight of opposition to ministerial measures, is to be imputed, not to any effects of the affray with Mr. Robinson, but rather to the high tone given to his animal frame by the strength of his passions, and a failure in the point of temperance. The sons of liberty would have sustained an excessive loss, had this event taken place in the early Stage of the opposition; but the times had brought so many able persons of similar sentiments into the general court, who had been training for four years, and were conversant with the political management of public business, that the plans of the Massachusetts anti-governmental party suffered no derangement.

An opportunity now offers of mentioning, that Sir Alexander Gilmour, baronet, and George Dempster, esq. were the gentlemen who so nobly distinguished themselves by voting for the repeal of the stamp act, while all the other Scotch members present voted against it.

After what has been written and transmitted, you will judge yourself under an obligation to return me speedy information of all that is doing in Great-Britain relative to the American colonies.

LETTER

[1772.]

Roxbury, June 25, 1773.

HE annual elections of the Massachusetts were in favor of the friends to colonial liberty; but the state of Mr. Otis's mind necessarily occasioned his being left out of the list of the Boston representatives.

[May 28.] The general court still met at Cambridge, but the governor adopted a conciliating measure, in declining to negative Mr. Hancock, who was again chosen one of the council.— He had been repeatedly chosen, and till now as repeatedly negatived; he declined, however, taking his seat at the board, choosing to remain in the assembly as one of the Boston members.

[June 13.] Mr. Hutchinson acquainted the house, in answer to a message, that his majesty had made provision for his support; and then, after requiring the opinion and advice of the council, upon their oaths, whether he might now remove the general court to Boston, consistent with the signification of his majesty's pleasure to him, and receiving their unanimous opinion and advice in the affirmative, adjourned them to meet at Boston. He might have asked and received that very advice long before.

A committee having been appointed to consider the matter of the governor's support being provided for by the king, reported and observed [July 10.] "That the king's providing for the support of the governor is a most dangerous innovation. It is a measure, whereby not only the right of the general assembly of this province is rescinded, but the highest indignity is thrown upon it. It is an infraction of the charter in a material point, whereby a most important trust is wrested out of the hands of the general assembly." And the house, the same day, declared by a message to the governor, "That the making provision for his excellency's support, independent of the grants and acts of the general assembly, and his excellency's receiving the same, is an infraction upon the rights of the inhabitants granted by the royal charter."

The payment of the governors by the crown, is not relished by the colonies, as it makes them entirely dependent upon that, and wholly independent of the peopic and provincial assemblies; and as it destroys the mutual check which each branch of the legislature ought to have upon the others, and that balance of power which is essential to all free governments. It will be a new source of complaint. On the other hand, the affair which has happened in Rhode-Island government will prove a fresh pro

vocation

vocation to ministry, and tend to fix them in their plans respecting the colonies.

Lieutenant Duddington, the commander of the late armed schooner the Gaspce, had been remarkably assiduous in supporting the laws against smuggling, and in searching after contraband goods, by which he had given great offence. He had also brought upon himself the resentment of many, by firing at the Providence packets (employed in transporting goods and passengers from thence to Newport, and vice versa) in order to oblige the masters to take down their colours, and by chacing them even into the docks when it had been refused. The Providence packet coming up as usual with colours flying and company on board, probably a party pleasure, as is frequent in the summer season, and refusing to take them down, the lieutenant fired a shot, which being disregarded, he chaced. [June 9.] It was near upon, or quite high water. The packet stood in with the land as close as consisted with safety, designing that the Gaspee should be run a-ground in the chace. The design succeeded. The Gaspee was soon fast, and could not stir, the tide having done flowing. The packet proceeded to town. The situation of the Gaspec, and resentment against the commander, excited the thought of attacking and destroying her. Mr. John Brown, a considerable merchant of Providence, was the principal in the business. Captain Whipple was immediately employed to beat up for volunteers, and a number offered and engaged to go upon any service for which they were wanted: Several whale boats were procured and filled with armed men. Mr. Brown accompanied them in the expedition. Captain Whipple, as they proceeded, observed to Mr. Brown, that he might lose his life, and that he had a family, and therefore he required that care should be taken of them in case of his death. Mr. Brown engaged to do it should that happen. [June 10.] About two o'clock in the morning, they boarded and carried the schooner, as she lay a-ground about seven miles below Providence. Mr. Brown himself was the first on board. The lieutenant was wounded. He and the crew were put on shore, and every thing valuable belonging to him was taken out and saved for him; after which the Gaspee, with all her stores, was burned.

Though a reward of five hundred pounds, together with a pardon, if claimed by an accomplice, has been offered by proclamation for discovering and apprehending any of the persons concerned yet the commissioners appointed to try the matter, have transmitted accounts to ministry, that they can obtain no evidence. If any one had wished to give evidence, that he might get the reward, yet the thought that he should risk his life, or be obliged to fly the country and become a perpetual exile, would

naturally

naturally have overcome such propensity. It was too hazardous to turn informer. Some who were secured, in expectation that they would give intelligence, were assisted by the populace in making their escape, before any thing material could be learnt from them by the commissioners.

Governor Hutchinson and his adherents having been used to represent the party in opposition, as only an uncasy factious few in Boston, while the body of the people were quite contented; Mr. Samuel Adams was thereby induced to visit Mr. James Warren of Plymouth. After conversing upon the subject, the latter proposed to originate and establish committees of correspondence in the several towns of the colony, in order to learn the strength of the friends to the rights of the continent, and to unite and increase their force. Mr. Samuel Adams returned to Boston, pleased with the proposal, and communicated the same to his confidents. Some doubted whether the measure would prosper, and dreaded a disappointment, which might injure the cause of liberty. But it was concluded to proceed. The prime managers were about six.in number; each of whom when separate, headed a division; the several individuals of which, collected and led distinct subdivisions. In this manner the political engine has been constructed. The different parts are not equally good and operative. Like other bodies, its composition includes numbers who act mechanically, as they are pressed this or that way by those who judge for them; and divers of the wicked, fitted for evil practices when the adoption of them is thought necessary to particular purposes, and a part of whose creed it is, that in po litical matters the public good is above every other considerati on, and that all rules of morality when in competition with it, may be safely dispensed with. When any important transaction is to be brought forward, it is thoroughly considered by the prime managers. If they approve, each communicates it to his own division; from thence, if adopted, it passes to the several subdivisions, which form a general meeting in order to canvass the business. The prime managers being known. only by a few to be the promoters of it, are desired to be present at the debate, that they may give their opinion when it closes. If they observe that the collected body is in general strongly agains the measure they wish to have carried, they declare it to be improper; is it opposed by great numbers, but not warmly, they advise to a reconsideration at another meeting, and prepare for its being then adopted; if the opposition is not considerable, either in number or weight of persons, they give their reasons, and then recommend the adoption of the measure. The principal actors are determined

termined upon securing the liberties of their country, or perishing in the attempt.

The news of his majesty's granting salaries to the justices of the superior court, afforded them a fair opportunity for executing the plan of establishing committees of correspondence through the colony. The most spirited pieces were published, and an alarm spread, that the granting such salaries tended rapidly to complete the system of their slavery.

[Nov. 2.] A town meeting was called, and a committee of correspondence appointed, to write circular letters to all the towns in the province, and to induce them to unite in measures. [Nov. 19.] The committee made a report, containing several resolutions contradictory to the supremacy of the British legislature. After setting forth, that all men have a right to remain in a state of nature as long as they please, they proceed to a report upon the natural rights of the colonists as men, christians and subjects; and then form a list of infringements and violations of their rights. They enumerate and dwell upon the British parliament's having assumed the power of legislation for the colonies in all cases whatever the appointment of a number of new officers to superintend the revenues-the granting of salaries out of the American revenue, to the governor, the judges of the superior court, the king's attorney and solicitor general. The report was accepted; copies printed, and six hundred circulated through the towns and districts of the province, with a pathetic letter addressed to the inhabitants, who were called upon not to doze any longer, or sit supinely in indifference, while the iron hand of oppression was daily tearing the choicest fruits from the fair tree of liberty. The circular letter requested of each town a free communication of sentiments on the subjects of the report, and was directed to the select men, who were desired to lay the same before a town meeting, which has been generally practised, and the proceedings of the town upon the business have been transmitted to the committee at Boston. This committee have their particular correspondents in the several towns, who upon receiving any special information, are ready to spread it with dispatch among the inhabitants. It consists of twenty-one persons, of heterogeneous qualities and professions. The governor, in expectation of exciting prejudice, and fixing a stigma upon them, their connections and proceedings, has written to a gentleman in power, "Strange that a government, which with in a century would suffer no person to be free of the commonwealth who was not one of their church members, should now take for their leaders, men who openly contemn all religion, and should join deacons and atheists in one trust; and that they

should