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disputed the right of parliament, according to Mr. Ingersoll's letter.

The supporters of the stamp act insisted much upon the colonies being virtually represented, and mentioned Leeds, Halifax, Birmingham, Manchester,&c. as enjoying a virtual representation. Whoever had a recourse to a virtual representation of the colonies, in vindication of the parliament's taxing them, therein acknowledged, that there ought not to be taxation without representation. But the difference between Leeds, Halifax, &c. and the American colonies, is as wide as the Atlantic. The landholders of those towns enjoy a real representation, if their freeholds yield a certain annual income. Many of the inhabitants have a choice in the election of members, in one place or another. The general interests of the freeholders and tenants, electors and non-electors, are so interwoven, that all are liable to be equally affected by the same commen taxes. The one pays the same duty on his sugar, tea, coffee, and chocolate, as the other. The relative connection between them, produces what may be called, with a kind of propriety, a virtual representation; answering, though in a lower degree, to what the family of a freeholder or freeman enjoys. But was all the soil in the British colonies a man's freehold, it would not give him a single vote for any one member of parliament. There is not an individual in them, whe, should he cross the Atlantic, would have a right to vote in any election, by virtue of any privileges enjoyed in America. He must be a freeholder of Britain, or a freeman of some British city, borough, or corporation, and have a British qualification, before he can elect or be elected. The interests of Ame→ rica and Britain are not interwoven, as are those of British electors and non-electors. If the British parliament impose taxes or the Americans, Britons do not bear with them their part and proportion in the said taxes. The former are burdened that the latter may be eased. The menies raised have the nature of a tribute exacted from a conquered people in a slavish dependence, and net of a tax voluntarily granted by the voice of freemen, through their own elected representatives, paying scot and lot with themselves, for the support of government. Beside, the British parliament are so far removed from America, that they cannot obtain that full information respecting the colonies which ought always to accompany the exercise of a taxing power.

When the question upon the bill, in its last stage, was brought to a vote, there were about 250 for, and 50 against it. In the house of lords, so strong was the unanimity, that there was not a single syllable uttered against the bill; and on the twenty-second of March, it obtained the royal assent. The night after it was.

passed

passed, Dr. Franklin wrote Mr. Charles Thomson,* "the sur of liberty is set, you must light up the candles of industry and œconomy." Mr. Thomson answered, he was apprehensive that other lights would be the consequence, and predicted the opposition that followed.

The framers of the stamp act flattered themselves, that the confusion which would arise upon the disuse. writings, would compel the colonies to use the stamp paper, and therefore to pay the taxes imposed. Thus they were led to pronounce it, a law which would execute itself. Mr. Grenville, however, appears to have been apprehensive that it might occasion disorders; to prevent or suppress which, he projected another bill, which was brought in the same session, whereby it was to be made lawful for military officers in the colonies, to quarter their soldiers in private houses. This seemed intended to awe the people into a compliance with the other act. Great opposition being made to it, as under such a power in the army, no one could look on his house as his own, that part of the bill was dropt; but there still remained a clause, when passed into a law, to oblige the several assemblies to provide quarters for the soldiers, and to furnish them with firing, bedding, candles, small beer, rum, and sundry other articles, at the expence of the several provinces; which continued in force when the stamp act was repealed. It equally militated with the other against the American principle, That money is not to be raised on English subjects without their consents

Whatever might be urged, government was under no necessity. of adopting the mode of taxing the colonies for their defence, and the securing of the new ceded countries. Though after the general peace an Indian war might be continued or renewed, that was no reason for continuing British forces in America. The colonists were better able to deal with them than the regulars. The new ceded countries required no great number of troops to secure them. The colonics were at hand to support the British garrisons in case assistance was wanted: and they had repeatedly shewed their readiness upon former occasions. The idea of a dangerous enemy upon the American continent, was at an end; and the British administration must have been inexcusable, had they not guarded against the transferring of one from Europe. It was become futile to exclaim--" Shall it depend upon the resolutions of a Philadelphia assembly, whether our fellow subjects shall arm in defence of liberty and property? Does the fate of a whole continent bear any propertien to an al most imperceptible encroachment upon the important privilege of an American, deliberating for a year or two, whether he will The prefent fecretary of congrefe.

pay

pay six-pence in the pound to save himself and family from perdition?" The danger of perdition was a mere bugbear, which might frighten the ignorant into an apprehension that it was absolutely necessary to maintain an army in America, for the expence of which the colonies should be made to answer; but the Americans knew better than to startle at the spectre. Had no more troops been stationed upon the American continent than circumstances called for, the ministry might have obtained all the aids it was reasonable for the colonies to have given, by the old mode of requisition. From the time that they were first considered as capable of granting aids, the constant mode of obtaining them, was by requisition from the crown, through the governors to the several assemblies; and the ministers, from Charles II. to the present king, most effectually recognised the distinction between parliamentary superintendance and taxation, in their requisitions to the colonies to raise men and money by acts of assembly. Had this happy method been continued, all the money that could have been justly expected from them in any manner, might have been procured without the least breach of that harmony which so long subsisted between the colonies and the mother country; and it was not acting wisely to thwart unnecessarily the prejudices of the Americans. But the imposition of taxes upon them might be introductory to, or a part of the plan for overturning their civil and religious liberties, alluded to by the Rev. Mr. Whitefield, before even the sugar act had passed.

The stamp act having passed, the colony agents waited upon Mr. Wheatley by desire, who told them, that Mr. Grenville did not think of sending from Great-Britain stamp officers, but wished to have discreet and respectable persons appointed from among the inhabitants; and that he would be obliged to them to point out to him such persons. Thus the agents were drawn in to nominate. Dr. Franklin recommended Mr. Hughes to be chief distributor of stamps in Pennsylvania, and Mr. Cor in the Jerseys; and being consulted by Mr. Ingersoll, advised him to accept, adding, go home and tell your countrymen to get children as fast as they can-thereby intimating his opinion of the oppression the colonists were under, and of their present inability to make effectual resistance; but that they ought, when sufficiently numerous, to shake off the yoke and recover their liberty. It is apparent from the recommendations, and the appointments made in consequence of the nominations, that the agents were far from thinking that such disturbances would have been occasioned by the stamp act, or they would have spared their friends. They certainly expected the act would have gone

down,

down, and the stamp papers have been used. But it was the

reverse.

A general discontent through the Massachusetts discovered itself immediately on the first advice of the acts having passed; but there was no other expectation among the bulk of the people, than that the act would be submitted to, and the duty paid; and several who afterward opposed it violently, made interest with the distributor, that they or their friends might obtain appointments. The newspapers, indeed, groaned for the loss of liberty; however, nothing extravagant appeared in them; but the friends to the claims of the colonies, pleased with Barre's sheech, and what he had pronounced the Americans, assumed to themselves the title, of SONS OF LIBERTY.

In Connecticut the inhabitants were quite inattentive to the fatal consequences that the act might draw after it in some distant period. The judges themselves, several of whom were of the council, appeared perfectlyse cure, and were no ways alarmed. The Rev. Mr. Stephen Johnson of Lyme, vexed and grieved with the temper and inconsiderateness of all orders of people, determined, if possible, to rouse them to a better way of thinking. He consulted a neighbouring gentleman, an Irishman by birth, who undertook to convey the pieces he might pen to the NewLondon printer, so secretly as to prevent the author's being discovered. Three or four essays were published upon the occasion. The cycs of the public began to open, and fears were excited. Other writers engaged in the business, while the first withdrew, having fully answered his intention. The congregational ministers saw further into the designs of the British administration than the bulk of the colony; and, by their publications and conversation, increased and strengthened the opposition.It became so considerable, that when governor Fitch proposed that he and the counsellors should be sworn agreeable to the stamp act, colonel Trumbull* went out, and refused even to witness to the transaction. Others followed this spirited example, and only four of the council remained.

In Virginia a general disposition appeared to submit to the stamp act: but George Johnston and Patrick Henry, esqrs. consulted together; and afterward, at the close of the sessions, when there was but a thin house, many members being absent preparing to return home, Mr. Henry brought in a number of resolves. They were as follows, viz. "Whereas the honorable house of commons in England, have of late drawn into question how far the general assembly of this colony hath power to enact laws for laying of taxes and imposing duties, payable by the people of this

* Late governor Trumbull of Connecticut.

his majesty's most ancient colony-for settling and ascertaining the same to all future times, the house of burgesses of this present general assembly, have come to the following resolves:

Resolved, That the first adventurers, settlers of this his ma jesty's colony and dominion of Virginia, brought with them and transmitted to their posterity, and all other his majesty's subjects since inhabiting in this his majesty's said colony, all the liberties, privileges, franchises, and immunities, that have at any time been held, enjoyed, and possessed by the people of Great-Britain:

Resolved, That by two royalcharters, granted by king James I. the colonists aforesaid are declared and entitled to all liberties, -privileges and immunities of denizens and natural subjects, to all intents and purposes, as if they had been abiding and born within the realm of England:

Resolved, That his majesty's liege people of this ancient coJony have enjoyed the right of being thus governd by their own assembly, in the articles of taxes and internal police; and that the same have never been forfeited, or any other way yielded up, but have been constantly recognised by the king and people of Britain :

Resolved therefore, That the general assembly of this colony, together with his majesty or his substitutes, have in their representative capacity, the only exclusive right and power to lay taxes and imposts upon the inhabitants of this colony; and that every attempt to vest such power in any other person or persons whatsoever, than the general assembly aforesaid is illegal, unconstitutional, and unjust, and hath a manifest tendency to destroy British as well as American liberty:

Resolved, That his majesty's liege people, the inhabitants of this colony, are not bound to yield obedience to any law or ordinance whatever, designed to impose any taxation whatsoever upon them, other than the laws and ordinances of the general assembly aforesaid:

Resolved, That any person who shall, by speaking or writing, assert or maintain, that any person or persons, other than the general assembly of this colony, have any right or power to impose or lay any taxation on the people here, shall be deemed an enemy to this his majesty's colony."

Upon reading these resolves the Scotch gentlemen in the house, cried out treason, &c. They were however adopted.The next day, some old members got them revised, though they could not carry it to reject them. As revised they stand thus on the printed journals of the house of burgesses.

Thursday,

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