have been assessed so exorbitantly, but some must certainly have been burdened with taxes. The above statement of expences is thought to be more correct than what governor Bernard transmitted, in his letter of August 1, 1764, to the lords of trade, in which he wrote, "From 1754 to 1762, the sums issued amount to £.926,000 sterling; out of which deduct, received by parliamentary grant, £.328,000 and the ordinary expences of government estimated at £.138,000 there remains £.490,000 that is near £500,000 sterling expended by this province in the extraordinary charges of the war within eight years. An immense sum for such a small state! the burden of which has been grievously felt by all orders of men.Whereas if we compare this with the southern governments, Pennsylvania for instance, which has expended little more than they have received from parliament, and Maryland which has expended scarce any thing at all, we cannot sufficiently admire the inequality of the burden between one province and another, and when Pennsylvania has not been prevented by domestic dissensions, and have as it were done their best, they have sent to the field only 2,700 men, when this province has sent 5,0005,500, and one year 7,000. And notwithstanding the vast sums this province has raised, is has, by severe taxations, kept its debt under. The first part of governor Bernard's administration was agree able to the Massachusetts general court. The two houses, in answer to his speach, [May, 1761.] said, "It gives us pleasure to see, that the civil rights of the people are not in danger; nor are we in the least degree suspicious, that they ever will be, under your excellency's administration. The experience we have had of your excellency's disposition and abilities, encou rage us to hope for a great share of public happiness under your administration." The next year the governor told them, at the elose of the session, [April 23, 1762.] "The unanimity and dispatch with which you have complied with the requisitions of his majesty, require my particular acknowledgment." In his sheech to the new court, [May, 27.] he said, "Every thing that has been required of this province, has been most readily complied with." [May 31, 1763.] Both houses in their address to him expressed themselves thus: "We congratulate your excellency upon that unanimity which your excellency recommends, and which was never greater in the province than at that time."The governor at the close of the session, declared his great sa tisfaction, in having observed, that the unanimity they assured him of, had fully evinced itself throughout all their proceedings But ་ But the lieutenant governor, Mr. Hutchinson, gained after a while too much ascendency over him, and encouraged him in the pur suit of wrong measures, highly offensive to the colony. He had indeed done him an irreparable injury, not long after his coming to the chair. Colonel James Otis (who was repeatedly returned for Barnstable, in Plymouth county, notwithstanding the strenuous efforts which had been made to prevent it, on account of his siding with government) being a lawyer, had been promised by Mr. Shirley, when in the chair, to be made a judge of the superior court, upon an opportunity's offering. The first vacancy which happened, was filled up by the appointment of the secretary's son-in-law; for which Mr. Shirley apologized by pleading a promise made to the secretary, and his having forgotten the former one. Mr. Otis was satisfied with a fresh assurance of the next vacancy, which was considered by him in the light of a governmental promise; and it was expected that whenever a new vacancy happened, Mr. Otis would be appointed. There was no new vacancy till a short time after governor Bernard entered upon his administration, when chief justice Sewall died.----Upon this death, Mr. James Otis, the son, of whom there will be a call to make frequent mention, expressed himself as follows: "If governor Bernard does not appoint my father judge of the superior court, I will kindle such a fire in the province as shall singe the governor, though I myself perish in the flames." Mr. Hutchinson, however hurried to Mr. Bernard, procured a pro-mise, which being once given, the governor would not retract, and got himself appointed chief justice, by which he gratified both his ambition and covetousness, his two ruling passions. The friends of government regretted the appointment, foreboding the evils it would produce. The governor lost the influence and support of colonel Otis. The son quitted the law place he held; would never be persuaded to resume it, or to accept of another; joined himself to the party which was jealous that the views of administration were unfavorable to the rights of the colony, and stood ready to oppose all encroachments; and soon became its chief leader. He signalised himself by pleading in a most masterly manner, against granting writs of assistance to custom-house officers. These writs were to give them, their deputies, &c. a general power to enter any houses, &c. that they would say they suspected. The custom-house officers had received letters from home, directing them to a more strenuous exertion in collecting the duties, and to procure writs of assistance. The idea of these writs excited a general alarm. A strong jealousy of what might be eventually the effect of them upon the liberties of the people, commenced. They might prove introductory to the most hor rid abuses; which the meanest deputy of a deputy's deputy might practise with impunity, upon a merchant or gentleman of the first character; and there would be the greater danger of such abuses, by reason of the immense distance of the scene of action from the seat of government. The voice of the complainant would not be heard three thousand miles off, after the servants of government had deafened the ears of administration by misrepresentations. From this period may be dated the fixed, uniform, and growing opposition which was made to the ministerial plans of encroaching upon the original rights and long established customs of the colony. In 1761, the officers of the customs applied to the superior courts for such writs. The great opposition that was made to it, and the arguments of Mr. Otis, disposed the court to a refusal; but Mr. Hutchinson, who had obtained the place of chief justice, prevailed with his brethren to continue the cause till next term; and in the mean time wrote to England, and procured a copy of the writ, and sufficient evidence of the practice of the exchequer there, after which, like writs were granted. But before this was effected, Mr. Otis was chosen one of the representatives for Boston, by the influence of the friends to liberty; whose jealousies there and elsewhere, afterward increased apace, upon hearing that the British officers insisted frequently upon the necessity of regulating and reforming, as they stiled it, the colonial governments; and that certain travellers were introduced to particular persons [1762.] with a"This is a gentleman employed by the carl of Bute to travel the country, and learn what may be proper to be done in the grand plan of reforming the American governments." It was understood that their business was to make thorough observation upon the state of the country, that so the ministry might be enabled to judge what regulations and alterations could safely be made in the police and government of the colonies, in order to their being brought more effectually under the government of parliament. They were also, as much as possible, to conciliate capital and influential characters, to ministerial measures speedily to be adopted. The British ministry have been greatly mistaken, in supposing it is the same in America as in their own country. Do they gain over a gentleman of note and eminence in the colonies, they make no considerable acquisition. He takes few or none with him; and is rather despised than adhered to by former friends. He has not, as in Britain, dependants who must act in conformity to his nod. In New-England especially, individuals are so independent of each other, that though there may be an inequality in rank and fortune, every one can act freely according to his own judgment. But But nothing, it may be, excited a greater alarm in the breasts of those to whom it was communicated, than the following anecdote, viz. The Rev. Mr. Whitefield, ere he left Portsmouth in New-IIampshire, on Monday afternoon, April the second, 1764, sent for Dr. Langdon and Mr. Haven, the congregational ministers of the town, and upon their coming and being alone with him, said, "I can't in conscience leave the town without acquainting you with a secret. My heart bleeds for America. O poor New-England! There is a deep laid plot against both your civil and religious liberties, and they will be lost. Your golden days are at an end. You have nothing but trouble before you. My information comes from the best authority in Great Britain. I was allowed to speak of the affair in general, but enjoined not to mention particulars. Your liberties will be lost."* Mr. Whitefield could not have heard what the commons did in the preceding month; his information must have been of an earlier date, and might have been communicated before he left Great Britain. Beside the general design of taxing the colonies, the plan was probably, this in substance-Let the parliament be engaged to enter heartily and fully into American matters; and then under its sanction let all the governments be altered, and all the councils be appointed by the king, and the assemblies be reduced to a small number like that of New-York. After that, the more effectually to secure the power of civil government by the junction of church influence, let their be a revisal of all the acts in the several colonies with a view of setting aside those in particular, which provide for the support of the ministers. But if the temper of the people make it necessary, let a new bill for the purpose of supporting them pass the house, and the council refuse their concurrence; if that will be improper, then the governor to negative it. If that cannot be done in good policy, then the bill to go home and let the king disallow it. Let bishops be introduced, and provision be made for the support of the episcopal clergy. Let the congregational and presbyterian clergy, who will receive episcopal ordination, be supported, and the leading ministers among them be bought off by large salaries.-Let the liturgy be revised and altered. Let episcopacy be accommodated as much as possible to the cast of the people. Let places of power, trust and honor, be conferred only upon episcopalians, or those that will conform. When episcopacy is once thoroughly established, increase its resemblance to the English hierarchy at pleasure. * Dr. Langdon told it me in converfation: and afterward mentioned it in his fermon preacked before the convention of the minifters. These These were the ideas which a certain gentleman communicated to Dr. Stiles, when they were riding together in 1763. The Doctor, after hearing him out, expressed his belief, that before the plan could be effected, such a spirit would be roused in the people as would prevent its execution. The good man groaned and replied, "If the commotions now existing prevail on the parliament to repeal the stamp-act, I am afraid the plan cannot be accomplished. In reference to alterations in the civil line, Dr. Langdon informed me, that governor Wentworth told him, the Massachusetts and New-Hampshiere were to be one government, under one governor; the Doctor thought the design of joining Rhode-Island with them was also mentioned, though of this he could not be certain. The New-England colonies would have suffered most by the proposed alterations, while they deserved it the least and were entitled for their ready exertions, to a return expressive of gratitude. Many of the common soldiers, who gained such laurels, by their singular bravery on the plains of Abraham, when Wolfe died in the arms of victory, were natives of the Massachusetts-Bay. When Martinico was attacked in 1761, and the British force was greatly weakened by the death and sickness, the timely arrival of the New-England troops, enabled the former to prosecute the reduction of the island to an happy issue. A part of the British force being now about to sail from thence for the Havannah, the New-Englanders, whose health had been much impaired by service and the climate, were sent off in three ships, to their native country for recovery. Before they had completed their voyage they found themselves restored, ordered the ships about, steered immediately for the Havannah, arrived when the British were too much reduced to expect success, and by their junction served to immortalize afresh, the glorious first of August, old stile, in the surrender of the place on the memorable day; they exhibited at the same time, the most signal evidence of devotedness to the parent state. Their fidelity, activity, and courage were such as to gain the approbation and confidence of the British officers.† As to the religious part of the plan, recollect what has been already mentioned of archbishop Secker; carefully peruse Dr. Mayhew's noted answer to one of his publications, and what is related concerning him in the collection of papers above quoted; and you will scarce doubt, "but that it was the metropolitan's intention to reduce all the British colonies under episcopal authori *Now prefident of Yale College in Connecticut. From Brooke Woodcock, Efq. of Saffron Waldon, who ferved at the taking of Bellifle, Martiniço, and the Havannah, ty." |