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who roused passions as impetuous, proposed and virtue uncorrupted was to be found, and changes as sweeping, were actuated by ambi- glory unparalleled had been won? Who adtion as perilous, as that which, under their own ventured on a course which threatened to tear eyes, had torn civilization to pieces in its bleed- in pieces the country of Milton and Bacon, of ing dominion? What shall we say to those Scott and Newton, of Nelson and Wellington! who did this in the state where freedom had History will judge their conduct: no tumultuexisted longer, and was at their accession more ous mobs will drown its voice: from its deciunfettered than in any other country that eversion there will be no appeal, and its will be the existed; where prosperity unexampled existed, voice of ages.

BULWER'S ATHENS.*

wealth, and the leaden chains of the centralized government of his successors, has not blinded the far-seeing sagacity of Tacitus to the origin of all these evils in the wide-spread force of popular wickedness and folly, and the fatal overthrow of the long established sway of the Senate by the military talents and consummate address of the first emperor of the world.

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Ir is a remarkable fact, that so numerous and pregnant are the proofs afforded by history in all ages, of the universal and irremediable evils of democratic ascendency, that there is hardly an historical writer of any note, in any country or period of the world, who has not concurred in condemning it as the most dangerous form of government, and the most fatal enemy of that freedom which it professes to In modern times the same striking characsupport. In the classical writers, indeed, are teristic of all the greatest observers of human to be found numerous and impassioned, as events is equally conspicuous. Five hundred well as perfectly just eulogies on the ennobling years ago Machiavel deduced from a careful effects of civil liberty; but it is liberty, as con- retrospect of Roman history, not less than the tradistinguished from slavery, which is the ob-experience of the Republican States with which ject of their encomium: and none felt so strong- he was surrounded, the clearest views of the ly, or have expressed so forcibly, the pernicious enormous perils of unbridled democracy: and tendency of unbridled democracy to undermine he has left in his Discourses on Livy and and destroy the civil freedom and general pro- Principe," maxims of government essentially tection of all classes, which is unquestionably adverse to democratic establishments, which, the first of human blessings. Thucydides, in depth of thought and justice of observation, whose profound mind was forcibly attracted have never been surpassed. Bacon clearly by the varied operations of the aristocratic and perceived. even amidst all the servility of the democratic factions, which in his age distract-nation, and tyranny of the government of Enged Greece, and whose conflict forms the sub-land under the Tudor princes, the opposite ject of his immortal work, has told us, that "in- dangers of republican rule, and his celebrated variably in civil contests it was found at apophthegm, that political changes, to be safe, Athens that the worst and most abandoned "should resemble those of nature, which albeit public characters obtained the ascendency." the greatest in the end, are imperceptible in Aristotle has condensed in six words the ever- their progress," has passed into a consuetudilasting characteristic of democratic govern-nary maxim, to which, to the end of the world, ment-TUTTO Tav Tugervidar TexeUrain ʼn dnpongatià. the wise will never cease to refer, and against Sallust has pointed to the "Egestas cupida no- which the rash and reckless will never cease varum rerum," as the most prolific source of to chafe. The profound mind of Hume, it is the evils which first undermined, and at last well known, beheld the long and varied story overthrew the solid foundations of Roman of England's existence with perhaps too great Liberty; and left in his Catiline conspiracy a a bias in favour of monarchical institutions; picture of the demagogue, so just and true in and Gibbon, even amidst the long series of all its touches, that in every age it has the air calamities which accumulated round the sinkof having been drawn from the existing popu- ing fortunes of the empire, has sufficiently lar idol; and the phrase “Alieni appetens, sui evinced his strong sense of the impracticable profusus," has passed into a proverbial charac- nature, and tyrannic tendency of democratic teristic of that mixture of rapacity and insol- institutions. Sir James Mackintosh, in his vency which ever forms the basis of the cha-maturer years, strongly supported the same racters who attain to democratic ascendency. sound and rational principles; and all the ferLivy, amidst the majestic and heart-stirring vour and energy of the youthful author of the narrative of Roman victories, never loses an Vindicia Gallice could not blind his better inopportunity of throwing in a reflection on the formed judgment later in life, to the frightful mingled instability and tyranny of popular as- dangers of democratic ascendency, and the ulsemblies; and all the experience of the wofultimate conclusion "that the only government tyranny which the triumph of democracy under which offers a rational prospect of establishing Cæsar brought upon the Roman common- or preserving freedom, is that where the power *Athens, its Rise and Fall. By E. L. Bulwer, Esq. Baunders and Otley: London, 1837. Blackwood's Magazine, July, 1837.

*In his letters and and miscellaneous works, his opinions on this subject are clearly expressed.

mainspring of human improvement; but they were not less aware, that this spring is one of such strength and power, that if not duly loaded, it immediately tears the machine to pieces. They admired and cherished the warmth of the fire, but they were not so blinded by its advantages, as to permit it to escape its iron bars, and wrap the house in flames; they enjoyed the vigour of the horses which whirled the chariot along; but they were not so insane as to cast the charioteer from his seat, and allow their strength and

of directing affairs is vested in the aristocratic | people. They were fully aware that demointerests, under the perpetual safeguard of po- cratic energy has, in every age, been the pular watchfulness." Burke, almost forgotten as a champion of Whig doctrines in the earlier part of his career, stands forth in imperishable lustre as the giant supporter of conservative principles in the zenith of his intellect. Pitt has told us that "democracy is not the government of the few by the many, but the many by the few, with this addition, that the few who are thus raised to power are the most dangerous and worthless of the community;" and Fox, who spent his life in supporting liberal principles, with his dying breath bequeathed to his successors a perpetual strug-energy to overturn and destroy the vehicle: gle with the gigantic power which had risen out of its spirit, and imbodied its desires.

they acknowledged with gratitude the genial warmth of the central heat, which clothed the sides of the volcano with luxuriant fruits; but they looked to either hand, and beheld in the black furrow of desolation the track of the burning lava which had issued from its summit when it escaped its barriers, and filled the heavens with an eruption.

Nothing daunted by this long and majestic array of authority against him, Mr. Bulwer has taken the field in two octavo volumes, in order to illustrate the beneficial effect of re

Nor is France behind England in the same profound and far-seeing views of human affairs. Napoleon, elevated on the wave, and supported by the passions of the Revolution, conceived himself, as he himself told, to be the commissioned hand of Heaven to chastise its crimes and extinguish its atrocity. Madam de Staël, albeit passionately devoted to the memory of her father, the parent of the Revolution, and the author of the French Reform Bill, has yet devoted the maturity of her intellect to il-publican institutions upon social greatness lustrate the superior advantages which the mixed form of government established in England afforded; and in her Treatise on the French Revolution, supported with equal wis dom and eloquence the conservative principles, in which all minds of a certain elevation in every age have concurred: while Chateaubriand, the illustrious relic of feudal grandeur, and the graphic painter of modern suffering, has arrived, from the experience of his varied and interesting existence, at the same lofty and eunobling conclusions; and M. de Toqueville, the worthy conclusion to such a line of greatness, has portrayed, amidst the most impartial survey of American equality, seeds in the undisguised "tyranny of the majority," of the eventual and speedy destruction of civil liberty.

These enemies of democracy in every age. have been led to these conclusions, just bec use they were the steadiest friends of freedom. They deprecated and resisted the unbridled sway of the people, because they saw clearly that it was utterly destructive to their real and durable interests; that it permitted that sacred fire which, duly restrained and repressed, is the fountain of all greatness, whether in nations or individuals, to waste itself in pernicious flames, or expand into ruinous conflagration. They supported the establishment of Conservative checks on popular extravagance, because they perceived from experience, and had learned from history, that the gift of unbridled power is fatal to its possessors, and that least of all is it tolerable where the responsibility, the sole check upon its excesses, is destroyed by the number among whom it is divided. They advocated a mixed form of government, because they saw clearly, that under such, and such only, had the blessings of freedom in any age been enjoyed for any length of time by the

• Mackintosh's Memoirs, I. 174.

and national prosperity. He has selected for
his subject the Athenian democracy—the eye
of Greece-the cradle of history, tragedy, and
the fine arts; the spot in the world where, in
the narrowest limits, achievements the most
mighty have been won, and genius the most
immortal has been developed.
He con-
ceived, doubtless, that in Attica at least the
extraordinary results of democratic agency
could not be disputed; the Roman victories
might be traced to the wisdom of the senate;
the Swiss patriotism to the simplicity of its
mountains; the prosperity of Holland to the
protection of canals, or the prudence of its
burgomasters; the endurance of America to
the boundless-vent afforded by its back settle-
ments; but in Athens none of these peculiari-
ties existed, and there the brilliant results of
popular rule and long established self-govern-
ment were set forth in imperishable colours.
We rejoice he has made the attempt; we anti-
cipate nothing but good to the conservative
cause from his efforts. It is a common saying
among lawyers, that falsehood may be exposed
in a witness by cross-examination; but that
truth only comes out the more clearly from all
the efforts which are made for its confusion.
It is a fortunate day for the cause of historic
truth when the leaders of the democratic party
leave the declamation of the hustings and the
base flattery of popular adulation, and betake
themselves to the arena of real argument.
We feel the same joy at beholding Mr. Bulwer
arm himself in the panoply of the field, and
court the assaults of historical investigation,
with which the knights of old saw themselves
extricated from the mob of plebeian insurrec-
tion, and led forth to the combat of highborn
chivalry.

Mr. Bulwer is, in every point of view, a distinguished writer. His work on England and the English is a brilliant performance, abounding with sparkling, containing some profound,

U

observations, and particularly interesting to a single tyrant; aristocratic on the wants of a the multitude of persons to whom foreign tra- rapacious oligarchy; democratic alone on the velling has rendered the comparison of Eng-consulted desires and grateful experience of lish and French character and institutions an the whole community. If these propositions object of interest. His novels in profound were all true, they would be decisive in favour knowledge of the human heart, brilliancy of of popular, and highly popular institutions; description, pathos of incident, and eloquence but unfortunately, though it is perfectly correct of language, are second to none in the English that monarchies and aristocracies are mainly language. The great defects of his writings, directed, if uncontrolled by the people, to supin a political point of view, are the total ab- port the interests of a single or an oligarchical sence of any reference to a superintending government, it is no less true, that the rapacity power and the moral government of the world; of a democracy is just as great; that the reand the continual and laboured attempt to ex-sponsibility of its leaders, from the number of culpate the errors, and screen the vices, and those invested with power, is infinitely less, draw a veil over the perils of democratic go- and that the calamities which, in its unmitivernment. The want of the first, in an inves-gated form it in consequence lets loose on the tigation into human affairs, is like the absence community, are such as in every age have led of the character of Hamlet in the play bearing to its speedy subversion.. his name: the presence of the second a continued drawback on the pleasures which an impartial mind derives from his otherwise able and interesting observations. More especially is a constant sense of the corruption and weakness of human nature an indispensable element in every inquiry or observation which has for its object the weighing the capability of mankind to bear the excitements, and wield the powers, and exercise the responsibility of self-government. We are not going to enter into any theological argument on original sin, how intimately soever it may be blended with the foundation of all investigations into the right principles of government; we assert only a fact, demonstrated by the experience of every age, and acquiesced in by the wise of every country, that there is an universal tendency to corruption and license in human nature-that religion is the only effectual bridle on its excesses, and that the moment that a community is established, without the effective agency of that powerful curb on human passion, the progress of national affairs becomes nothing but the career of the prodigal, brilliant and alluring in the outset, dismal and degrading in the end. It is on this account that the friends of freedom have in every age been the most resolute and perse-property is the directing, and numbers the convering enemies of democracy; because that fervent and searching element, essential to the highest national greatness, and the best ingredient in its prosperity, if duly coerced and tempered, becomes its most devouring and fatal enemy the instant that it breaks through its barriers, and obtains the unrestrained direction of the public destinies.

The views of the republican and the democrat are the very reverse of all this. According to them, wickedness and corruption are the inheritance of the oligarchy alone; aristocracies are always selfish, grasping, rapacious; democracies invariably energetic, generous, confiding. Nobles, they argue, never act but from designing or selfish views; their constant agent is human corruption; their incessant appeal to the basest and most degrading principles of our nature. Republicans alone are really philanthropic in their views; they alone attend to the interests of the masses; they alone lay the foundations of the social system on the broad basis of general well-being. Monarchical governments are founded on the caprice of

The Conservative principle of government, on the other hand, is, that mankind are radically and universally corrupt; that when invested with power, in whatever form of government, and from whatever class of society, they are immediately inclined to apply it to their own selfish ends; that the diffusion of education and knowledge has no tendency whatever to eradicate this universal propensity, but only gives it a different, less violent, but not less interested direction;-that the diffusion of supreme power among a multitude of hands diminishes to nothing the responsibility of each individual, while it augments in a proportionate degree the rapacity and selfishness which is brought to bear on public affairs;—that when the multitude are the spectators of government, they are inclined to check or restrain its abuses, because others profit, and they suffer by them; but when they become government itself, they instantly support them, because they profit, and others suffer from their continuance ;-that democratic institutions thus, when once fully and really established, rapidly deprave the public mind, and engender an universal spirit of selfishness in the majority of the people, which speedily subverts the foundations of national prosperity; and that it is only when

trolling power, that the inherent vices and selfishness of the depositaries of authority can be effectually coerced by the opinion of the great majority who are likely to suffer by its excesses, or a lasting foundation be laid in the adherence of national opinion to the principles of virtue for any lengthened enjoyment of the blessings of prosperity, or any durable discharge of the commands of duty.

These are the opposite and conflicting principles of government which are now at issue in the world: and it' is to support the former that Mr. Bulwer has brought the power of a cultivated mind and the vigour of an enlarged intellect. Athens was a favourable ground to take, in order to enforce the incalculable powers of the democratic spring in society. Nowhere else is to be found a state so small in its origin, and yet so great in its progress: so contracted in its territory, and yet so gigantic in its achievements: so limited in numbers, and yet so immortal in genius. Its dominions on the continent of Greece did not exceed an English county; its free inhabitants never

amounted to thirty thousand citizens-yet these | Roman confederacy, or reclaim such as, from inconsiderable numbers have filled the world the presence of the Punic arms, had passed with their renown; poetry, philosophy, archi-over to their enemies. Whereas, in Greece, tecture, sculpture, tragedy, comedy, geometry, on the very first reverse, the whole states and physics, history, politics, almost date their colonies in alliance constantly passed over to origin from Athenian genius; and the monu- the Lacedemonian league; and the growth of ments of art with which they have overspread the power of Athens was repeatedly checked the world still form the standard of taste in by the periodical reduction of its strength to every civilized nation on earth. It is not sur- the resources of its own territory. Had the prising that so brilliant and captivating a Athenian multitude possessed the enduring spectacle should in every age have dazzled and fortitude and beneficent rule of the Roman transported mankind; and that seeing demo- aristocracy, they might, like them, have risen cratic institutions co-existing with so extra- superior to every reverse, and gradually spread, ordinary a development of the intellectual by the willing incorporation of lesser states faculties, it should have come to be generally with their dominions, into a vast empire, eximagined that they really were cause and effect, tending over the whole shores of the Mediterand that the only secure foundation which could ranean, and giving law, like the mighty empire be laid for the attainment of the highest hon- which succeeded them, for a thousand years ours of our being was in the extension of the to the whole civilized world. powers of government to the great body of the people.

tivity.

thence to preserve power, and who cannot struggle against the fate which necessitates them to soar, until, by the moral gravitation of human things, the point which has no beyond is attained; and the next effort to rise is but the prelude of their fall. In such states Time, indeed, moves with gigantic strides; years concentrate what would be the epochs of centuries in the march of less popular institutions. The planet of their fortunes rolls with an equal speed through the cycle of internal civilization as of foreign glory. The condition of their brilliant life is the absence of repose. The accelerated circulation of the blood beautifies but consumes, and action itself, exhausting the stores of youth by its very vigour, becomes a mortal but divine disease."

Mr. Bulwer appears to be aware of the brief tenure of existence which Athens enjoyed; but Athens, however, has its dark as well as its he erroneously ascribes to general causes or brilliant side; and if the perfection of its sci- inevitable necessity what in its case was the ence, the delicacy of its taste, and the refine-result merely of the fever of democratic acment of its arts, furnish a plausible, and, in a certain degree, a just ground for representing "In that restless and unpausing energy, democratic institutions as the greatest stimu- which is the characteristic of an intellectual lant to the human mind, the brevity of its ex-republic, there seems, as it were, a kind of istence, the injustice of its decisions, the insta- destiny: a power impossible to resist urges the bility of its councils, and the cruelty of its de-state from action to action, from progress to crees, afford too fair a reason for doubting the progress, with a rapidity dangerous while it wisdom of imitating, on a larger scale, any of dazzles; resembling in this the career of indiits institutions. Its rise was rapid and glori-viduals impelled onward, first to attain, and ous; but the era of its prosperity was brief; and it sunk, after a short space of existence, into an obscure, and, politically speaking, insignificant old age. The sway of the multitude, who formed the council of last resort in the commonwealth, was capricious and tyrannical; and such as thoroughly disgusted all the states in the confederacy of which it was the head. There was the secret of its weakness. Instead of protecting and cherishing the tributary and allied states, the Athenian democracy insulted and oppressed them, and in consequence, on the first serious reverse, they all revolted; and the fleets which had constituted their strength were at once ranged on the side of the enemies of the state. The flames of Aigospotamos consumed the Athenian navy; but that disaster, great as it undoubtedly was, was not greater than the rout of Trasymene, the slaughter of Cannæ, the irruption of the Gauls to Rome. But Athens had not the steady persevering rule of the Roman patricians; nor the wise and beneficent policy of the Senate to the states and alliance, and thence they wanted both the energy requisite to rise superior to all their misfortunes, and the grateful feelings which, in moments of disaster, ranged the allied states in steady and durable array around them. During the invasion by Hannibal, which, as involving a civil contest between the Patricians and Plebeians in all the Italian cities, very nearly resembled the Peloponnesian war, not one state of any moment revolted from the Roman alliance till after the disaster of Cannæ; and even then it was only Capua, the rival of Rome, which took any vigorous part with the Carthagenians, and a very little effort was sufficient to retain the other allied cities in the

Now, in this eloquent passage there is an obvious error; and it is on this point that the Conservative or Constitutional principle of Government mainly differs from the Movement or Democratic. Aware of the violence of the fever which in Republican states exhausts the strength and wears out the energy of the people, the Conservative would not extinguish but regulate it; he would stop its diseased and feverish, to prolong and strengthen its healthy and yital action. He would not allow the youth to waste his strength and life in a brief period of guilty excess, or unrestrained indulgence, but so chasten and moderate the fever of the blood as to secure for him a useful manhood and a respected old age. The democrat, on the other hand, would plunge him at once into all the excesses of youth and intemperance, throw him into the arms of harlots and the orgies of drunkenness, and, amidst wine and women, the harp and the dance, lead him to

poverty, sickness, and premature dissolution. That is the point, and, as the evidence is not And ancient history affords a memorable contrast in this particular; for while Athens, worn out and exhausted by the fever of democratic activity, rose like a brilliant meteor only to fall after a life as short as that of a single individual, Rome, in whom this superabundant energy was for centuries coerced and restrained by the solidity of Patrician institutions and the steadiness of Patrician rule, continued steadily to rise and advance through a succession of ages, and at length succeeded in subjecting the whole civilized earth to its dominion.

It has long been a matter of reproach to Athens, that she behaved with the blackest ingratitude to her greatest citizens; and that Miltiades, Themistocles, Aristides, Cimon, Socrates, Thucydides, and a host of other illustrious men, received exile, confiscation, or death as the reward for the inestimable benefits they had conferred upon their fellow-citizens. Mr. Bulwer is much puzzled how to explain away these awkward facts; but as the banishment of these illustrious citizens, and the death of this illustrious sage, from the effects of popular jealousy, cannot be denied, he boldly endeavours to justify these atrocious acts of the Athenian democracy. In regard to Miltiades he observes:

laid before us, what right has Mr. Bulwer to assume that the Athenian multitude were not ungrateful or unjust in their decision? For their conduct, in this instance, they received the unanimous condemnation of the historian of antiquity, and yet Mr. Bulwer affirms that never was complaint more unjust. The fact is certain, that all the greatest benefactors of Athens were banished by the ostracism, or vote of all the citizens, though the evidence adduced in support of the charges is, for the most part, unknown; but as these deeds were the acts of democratic assemblies, Mr. Bulwer, without any grounds for his opinion, in opposition to the unanimous voice of antiquity, vindicates and approves them.

It is clear, from Mr. Bulwer's own admission, that the banishment of almost all these illustrious benefactors of Athens was owing to their resisting democratic innovations, or striving to restore the constitution to the mixed condition in which it existed previous to the great democratic innovations of Solon and Themistocles: but such resistance, or attempts even by the most constitutional means to restore, he seems to consider as amply sufficient to justify their exile! In regard to the banishment of Cimon he observes:

"The case was simply this,-Miltiades was "Without calling into question the integrity accused-whether justly or unjustly no matter and the patriotism of Cimon, without sup-it was clearly as impossible not to receive posing that he would have entered into any the accusation, and to try the cause, as it intrigue against the Athenian independence would be for an English court of justice to of foreign powers-a supposition his subserefuse to admit a criminal action against Lord quent conduct effectually refutes he might, Grey or the Duke of Wellington. Was Mil- as a sincere and warm partisan of the nobles, tiades guilty or not? This we cannot tell. and a resolute opposer of the popular party, We know that he was tried according to the have sought to restore at home the aristocratic law, and that the Athenians thought him guilty, balance of power, by whatever means his for they condemned him. So far this is not great rank, and influence, and connection with ingratitude-it is the course of law. A man the Lacedæmonian party could afford him. is tried and found guilty-if past services We are told, at least, that he not only op and renown were to save the great from pun- posed all the advances of the more liberal ishment when convicted of a state offence, party-that he not only stood resolutely by the society would, perhaps, be disorganized, and interests and dignities of the Areopagus, which certainly a free state would cease to exist. had ceased to harmonize with the more modern The question, therefore, shrinks to this-was institutions, but that he expressly sought to it, or was it not ungrateful in the people to restore certain prerogatives which that assemrelax the penalty of death, legally incurred, bly had formally lost during his foreign expe and commute it to a heavy fine? I fear we ditions, and that he earnestly endeavoured to shall find few instances of greater clemency in bring back the whole constitution to the more monarchies, however mild. Miltiades unhap- aristocratic government established by Clispily died. But nature slew him, not the Athe-thenes. It is one thing to preserye, it is. nian people. And it cannot be said with another to restore. A people may be deluded, greater justice of the Athenians, than of a people no less illustrious, and who are now their judges, that it was their custom, de tuer un Amiral pour encourager les autres.'

under popular pretexts, out of the rights they have newly acquired, but they never submit to be openly despoiled of them. Nor can we call that ingratitude which is but the refusal to surrender to the merits of an individual the acquisitions of a nation.

This passage affords an example of the determination which Mr. Bulwer generally evinces to justify and support the acts of his "All things considered, then, I believe, that darling democracy, however extravagant or if ever ostracism was justifiable, it was so in monstrous they may have been. Doubtless, the case of Cimon-nay, it was, perhaps, we are not informed very specifically as to the absolutely essential to the preservation of the nature of the evidence adduced in support of constitution. His very honesty made him rethe charge of bribery brought against Miltiades. solute in his attempts against that constitution. Doubtless, also, it was necessary to receive the His talents, his rank, his fame, his services, charge when once preferred; but was it neces-only rendered those attempts more dangerous. sary to convict him, and send the hero of Mara- Could the reader be induced to view, with thon, the saviour of his country, into a painful an examination equally dispassionate, the seveexile, which ultimately proved his death? ral ostracisms of Aristides and Themistocles,

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