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and the latter as regularly left unpaid. They mentioned, in particular, that the members of the Legislatures would never agree to an adjournment without paying themselves fully for their services. In answer to this remark it was observed, that the civil officers, on the average, did not derive from their appointments more than the means of their subsistence; and that the military, although not furnished with their pay properly so called, were in fact furnished with the same necessaries.

On the second point, to wit, "adequate provision for the general arrears due to them," the deputies animadverted with surprise, and even indignation, on the repugnance of the States, some of them at least, to establish a federal revenue for discharging the ⚫federal engagements. They supposed that the ease, not to say affluence, with which the people at large lived, sufficiently indicated resources far beyond the actual exertions; and that if a proper application of these resources was omitted by the country, and the army thereby exposed to unnecessary sufferings, it must naturally be expected that the patience of the latter would have its limits. As the deputies were sensible that the general disposition of Congress strongly favored this object, they were less diffuse on it. General McDougall made a remark which may deserve the greater attention, as he stepped from the tenor of his discourse to introduce it, and delivered it with peculiar emphasis. He said that the most intelligent and considerate part of the army were deeply affected at the debility and defects in the Federal Government, and the unwillingness of the States to cement and invigorate it, as, in case of

its dissolution, the benefits expected from the Revolution would be greatly impaired; and as, in particular, the contests which might ensue among the States would be sure to embroil the officers which respectively belonged to them.

On the third point, to wit, "half-pay for life," they expressed equal dissatisfaction at the States which opposed it, observing that it formed a part of the wages stipulated to them by Congress, and was but a reasonable provision for the remnant of their lives, which had been freely exposed in the defence of their country, and would be incompatible with a return to occupations and professions for which military habits, of seven years standing, unfitted them. They complained that this part of their reward had been industriously and artfully stigmatized in many States with the name of pension, although it was as reasonable that those who had lent their blood and services to the public should receive an annuity thereon, as those who had lent their money; and that the officers, whom new arrangements had, from time to time, excluded, actually labored under the opprobrium of pensioners, with the additional mortification of not receiving a shilling of the emoluments. They referred, however, to their memorial to show that they were authorized and ready to commute their halfpay for any equivalent and less exceptionable provision.

After the departure of the Deputies, the Grand Committee appointed a sub-committee, consisting of Mr. HAMILTON, Mr. MADISON, and Mr. RUTLedge, to report arrangements, in concert with the Superintendent of Finance, for their consideration.

TUESDAY, JANUARY 14TH.

Congress adjourned for the meeting of the Grand Committee, to whom was referred the Report concerning the valuation of the lands, and who accordingly met.

The Committee were, in general, strongly impressed with the extreme difficulty and inequality, if not impracticability, of fulfilling the Article of the Confederation relative to this point; Mr. RUTledge, however, excepted, who, although he did not think the rule so good a one as a census of inhabitants, thought it less impracticable than the other members. And if the valuation of land had not been prescribed by the Federal Articles, the Committee would certainly have preferred some other rule of appointment, particularly that of numbers, under certain qualifications as to slaves. As the Federal Constitution, however, left no option, and a few* only were disposed to recommend to the States an alteration of it, it was necessary to proceed, first, to settle its meaning; secondly, to settle the least objectionable mode of valuation. On the first point it was doubted, by several members, whether the returns which the report under consideration required from the States would not be final, and whether the Articles of Confederation would allow Congress to alter them after they had fixed on this mode; on this point no vote was taken. A second question, afterwards raised

* Mr. HAMILTON was most strenuous on this point. Mr. WILSON also favored the idea. Mr. MADISON also, but restrained, in some measure, by the declared sense of Virginia. Mr. GORHAM, and several others also, but wishing previous experience.

in the course of the discussion, was, how far the Articles required a specific valuation, and how far it gave a latitude as to the mode; on this point, also, there was a diversity of opinions, but no vote taken. Secondly, as to the mode itself referred to the Grand Committee, it was strongly objected to by the Delegate from Connecticut, Mr. DYER, by Mr. HAMILTON, by Mr. WILSON, by Mr. CARROLL, and by Mr. MADISON, as leaving the States too much to the bias of interest, as well as too uncertain and tedious in the execution. In favor of the Report was Mr. RUTLEDGE, the father of it, who thought the honor of the States, and their mutual confidence, a sufficient security against frauds and the suspicion of them. Mr. GORHAM favored the Report also, as the least impracticable mode, and as it was necessary to attempt at least some compliance with the federal rule before any attempt could be properly made to vary it. An opinion entertained by Massachusetts, that she was comparatively in advance to the United States, made her anxious for a speedy settlement of the mode by which a final apportionment of the common burden could be effected. The sentiments of the other members of the Committee were not expressed.

Mr. HAMILTON proposed, in lieu of a reference of the valuation to the States, to class the lands throughout the United States under distinctive descriptions, viz: arable, pasture, wood, &c., and to annex a uniform rate to the several classes according to their dif ferent comparative value, calling on the States only for a return of the quantities and descriptions. This mode would have been acceptable to the more com

pact and populous States, but was totally inadmissible to the Southern States.

Mr. WILSON proposed, that returns of the quantity of land and of the number of inhabitants in the respective States should be obtained, and a rule deduced from the combination of these data. This also would have affected the States in a similar manner with the proposition of Mr. HAMILTON. On the part of the Southern States it was observed, that, besides its being at variance with the text of the Confederation, it would work great injustice, as would every mode which admitted the quantity of lands within the States into the measure of their comparative wealth and abilities.

Lastly, it was proposed by Mr. MADISON, that a valuation should be attempted by Congress without the intervention of the States. He observed, that as the expense attending the operation would come ultimately from the same pockets, it was not very material whether it was borne in the first instance by Congress or the States, and it at least deserved consideration whether this mode was not preferable to the proposed reference to the States.

The conversation ended in the appointment of a sub-committee, consisting of Mr. MADISON, Mr. CARROLL and Mr. WILSON, who were desired to consider the several modes proposed, to confer with the Superintendent of Finance, and make such report to the Grand Committee as they should judge fit.

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