the close of the American war to the present time, her progress in education, civilization, and the accumulation of wealth, and a knowledge of the arts and sciences, has not been surpassed by any country in Europe. We trust, therefore, that the British Parliament will, during the present session, devote itself to an impartial consideration of the rights of Scotland, and afford such relief as will satisfy the well-grounded anticipations of an ancient people.

I.

THE REMOVAL OF THE EXCISE AND CUSTOM HOUSE ESTABLISHMENTS TO LONDON, TO THE GREAT INJURY OF THE SCOTTISH METROPOLIS.

THE first innovation which we feel called upon to condemn in strong terms, was the disgraceful abolition of the Scottish Board of Excise and Customs, and the transfer of their business to London, and the respective officials, by which the transaction of Scottish business connected with these departments is materially impeded.

It is now many years ago since the excise office was sold to the Royal Bank of Scotland and the money pounced upon by government. For a long period Bellevue House was occupied by the Board of Customs until that board was reduced, as it was designated at the time; but, in reality, as a Scottish institution it was abolished, and the business transferred to London. After this alteration, it was made to accommodate the Scottish Board of Excise and other officials, greatly reduced in number. The Excise Board continued to occupy it till the end of 1843, at which time this reduced department of the executive shared the fate of the Customs Board, the house being sold by government, and the purchase money remitted to London, and the Skeleton Excise Establishment swallowed up in the leviathan maw of the English Metropolis.

It is worthy of remark, in these two instances, as well as in many more which might be adduced, the insinuating and gradual progress of innovation, first comes a nominal remodelling, which is invariably followed by abolition of the institution, and a transference of its duties to another and a distant locality. Neither is it less curious to observe the apathy with which the Scottish population generally, and the inhabitants of Edinburgh in particular, have hitherto looked

on, and beheld the removal, one after another, of the institutions which were carefully guarded by statue at the Union with England, as being essential to the nationality of Scotland, and indispensable to prevent her becoming a mere provincial appanage of the city of London. Now we assert, fearless of contradiction, that the institutions just mentioned, besides many others, as will be afterwards adverted to, is a complete breach of good faith, as the following quotations prove:—

1st, "That the Treaty of Union between Scotland and England* recognizes the supremacy, asserts the individuality, and provides for the preservation of the national laws and institutions of Scotland.

2d, "That any attempt to subvert or place these institutions under English control, and, under the pretence of a centralizing economy, to deprive Scotland of the benefit of local action, is injurious to her welfare, and an infraction of the true spirit in which that treaty was concluded."

We have now to observe, relative to the destruction of the Scottish Excise and Customs in Scotland, that when the different gentlemen connected with these establishments were removed to London, many of the dwelling-houses occupied by them, chiefly in the southern parts of the city, remained unlet for years-thus a number of house proprietors, besides several widows depending chiefly on the rent derived from some of the said dwellings, suffered for years the galling load of poverty. In addition to this, butchers, grocers, bakers, tailors, &c., whom persons belonging to both establishments had dealt with for a long series of years, found their business much injured, From an estimate we have just made it appears that at least £80,000 per annum was lost to the money circulation of Scotland, besides many of the gentlemen themselves being removed to a place totally foreign to Scottish habits, some of them soon afterwards died, and others, for no fault whatever, were compelled by a tyrannical chairman of the Board of Commissioners to resign, although not a few of them were perfectly qualified to conduct business for at least twenty years afterwards. A melancholy fact of one gentleman thus cruelly treated-viz. compelled to resign in manhood's noble prime-was, that it preyed so strongly on his mind that he is at the present moment an inmate of a lunatic asylum near Edinburgh,

This treaty was signed in a bower in Regent Murray's gardens in the Canongate, May 1, 1707.

We have only farther to add, in regard to the Excise Establishment, that when in Scotland it was possessed of a large capital, £100,000, subscribed by the Scottish officials as a Widows' Fund. The whole of this sum was remitted to London, and no one now appears to know any thing about it. Many of those, however, whose forefathers subscribed for thirty, forty, or fifty years to this fund, and also several gentlemen who personally subscribed, but who retired from the establishment prior to the removal of the officials to London, are determined that government shall let them know how this fund has been disposed of, for it is plain that some compensation ought to be made to those who contributed to it.

II.

THE SUPERIORITY OF THE ENGLISH AND IRISH
POOR LAWS AS
AS CONTRASTED WITH THE

SCOTCH.

THE next Scottish Grievance we have now to bring prominently before the public, and which is a complete disgrace to the parliament of Great Britain and Ireland, is the following:-When English and Irish emigrants gain a settlement in Scotland, they have a claim to relief from the poor's funds by a residence of five years. No Scotchman, though he may reside during the same period in England or Ireland, is by law entitled to the smallest relief from either of these countries. The result is that while Scotland is supporting many disabled English paupers, and hordes of Irish vagrants, no Scotch born person is entitled to receive relief, and in extreme cases where some pecuniary relief has been afforded it is again, according to the existing oppressive law to Scotland, demanded from the parish where the individual was born. A case in Liverpool occurred a few days ago, and relative to a Scotch family in starvation it was suggested that application should be made for parochial relief, when the answer was sent to those interested in the application, that being Scotch they were not entitled to parochial aid. The writer of this article then communicated the facts of the case to one of the national Scottish ministers of Liverpool, who promised that he would attend to the appalling wants of this distressed family. Now this iniquitous act does not exist through inadvertence, for a clause stood in the Scotch

Poor Law Act, as introduced into committee, equalising the law of Scotland with that of England and Ireland; but this just and equitable clause was rejected by a combination of English and Irish members evidently hostile to the interests of Scotland, and which overbore the united voice of nearly all the chicken-hearted Scottish members. One argument was prominently brought forward on that occasion, that Scotland had always been saddled with the pauperism of England and Ireland, while neither of these countries had ever been accustomed to help any one but themselves. This, to say the least of it, is any thing but justice to Scotland; and if the three kingdoms are still to continue to be united, Scotland ought to be immediately equalised in this matter. We now call upon the Times newspaper to substantiate the assertion so frequently promulgated by that organ, that all Scotch matters are entirely left to the Scotch members. This is not the fact so far as this particular case was concerned. We trust that a bill will be immediately introduced by the Lord Advocate to equalise the Poor Law Bill, and thus place Scotland pari pasu with England and Ireland.

III.

PUBLIC CHARITIES.

THE charitable institutions of Scotland are disgracefully neglected by the British government.

The Scottish Maternity Hospital is maintained by public subscription, government allowing nothing.

The Asylum for the Indigent Blind, with 100 inmates from all parts of the United Kingdom, has received no aid from the treasury since 1793.

The Royal Infirmary of Edinburgh is almost entirely maintained by the philanthropy of the Edinburgh citizens, government refusing to allow even the wine used by the patients duty free. During 1852 there were no less than 4328 fever, surgical, and ordinary cases within the walls, of whom 1034 were natives of England and Ireland.

The House of Refuge in Edinburgh affords relief to destitute strangers from all parts of the world. In the year ending September 1851, 15,884 Scotch, 1589 Irish, 722 English, and 99 Foreigners, obtained shelter within its walls, and 55,798 meals were given

to the poor. Instead of the government assisting this institution, they have done all in their power to oppose it. For many years they have in the most paltry manner exacted a rent of £70 per annum, exclusive of taxes and keeping these premises in repair. In 1853 this building was advertised for sale by the Board of Ordnance and purchased by the Directors for £5000, raised by public subscription. Although valued by a government inspector at £2400, yet a sum more than double its present value had to be paid in order to avert breaking up this charity. The sum granted yearly by the government to the London House of Refuge is £2000. The citizens of Edinburgh loudly complain of this ungenerous act of the government. One of the directors of the institution has pronounced it as being, under all the circumstances, "a most heartless and sacrilegious plunder."

In short, the whole of the numerous benevolent institutions in Scotland are maintained by private contribution, with one solitary exception-the Dispensary at Kirkwall since 1849 has received the annual grant of

Two Pounds Sterling

from the Woods and Forests.

Tell it not in Gath, publish it not in the streets of Askelon, this above-mentioned generous liberality of the British government towards a charitable institution in the north of Scotland! This is certainly a wonderful benefit gained by Scotland in consequence of the union of the two kingdoms!

IV.

NATIONAL DEFENCES OF SCOTLAND.

THE peace of the world was never in greater danger than at the present time. Now, what preparation has been made in Scotland in case of an invasion? The English assert that if a war was to break out they have 120,000 men upon whom they could rely, 80,000 militia, and 40,000 regular troops, besides 48 regiments of English yeomanry cavalry. In Ireland there are generally about 22,000 regular troops, and 12,000 armed police admirably equipped, paid by Great Britain. In Scotland there are two battalions of infantry and a few companies of veterans in Edinburgh and Glasgow, and the