but also by those which are special to ourselves. Our church has uniformly held the right of election, where it existed, as imposing the most serious obligations upon the voter: she considered every elector who preferred his private emolument or affection to the public good, to be a criminal. Such was the doctrine that she uniformly inculcated upon the citizens of those republics which existed in her bosom, before the unfortunate religious differences which separate our brethren from us, had their origin. She considered the proper use of the right of suffrage, a religious duty, and therefore, frequently, she procured that it should take place upon the Lord's Day, after the electors had attended at a Mass of the Holy Ghost, and gone to the holy communion: then, on their leaving the church, frequently in its very sanctuary, they deposited their suffrages, not under the suggestions, and the influences of unprincipled corruptionists, and where some had to force their way through the compact throng of factious opponents; but in a box placed at a distance from a crowd, at the foot of the altar, where the electors felt their responsibility to God, and their freedom from human interference. He who would directly or indirectly impede an elector or use any undue influence over him, was excommunicated by the church, and punished by the state. Gradually these formalities were neglected or abolished; they were only outworks, it is true, but when they were given up, the citadel was more easily invested, and has long since been destroyed. And little St. Marengo, under the papal protection, continued yet a sacred relic of the ancient Catholic secular democracies. The rest have been buried under the ruins which resulted from party strife, overwhelmned by the force and ambition of despots; or been dissolved in the rottenness of their corruption. My page is blotted by the tears which their fate producesO pray with me-that our beloved state may profit by the lesson! In our ecclesiastical institutions this spirit was more diffusely spread and better guarded! Our fellow-citizens may, perhaps, regard this assertion with an air of incredulity! This is not the place to disabuse them of their mistake. Written constitutions, closely construed laws restrained within the exact boundaries of those constitutions, responsibility of officers, checks upon their power, rotations in office, and the absence of any privileged order, form the grand characteristics of all our monastic and religious communities; and in all these, the votes of the community formed the bulwark of their freedom, and insured the permanence and the vigour of the institute. Our canon-law guarded this freedom with the most jealous care and by the wisest provisions. Besides the regulations which I enumerated before, generally, in these latter cases, the following were common-law maxims. Any elector who was convicted of having voted for one whom he did not consider the best quali- fied, was disfranchised for the next election, and incurred three years suspension from his ecclesiastical offices, and was mulcted of their entire income. Any candidate who, by himself or by another, directly or indirectly influenced a voter, was disqualified for the office. All promises of support given by electors, even if with the sanction of an oath, were declared null and void, and the promises and oaths were considered highly sinful, because there existed a prior and a higher pledge which no promise, no oath could interfere with; the obligation to the community, that the vote should be given for the public good, and not for private advantage; it was then a sacred trust in respect of which no bargain or promise could be honestly or validly made. The trustee should retain his freedom, and be able to exercise his judgment, without pledge or bias even to the last moment. No voter could then bind himself, for such a bond might destroy the very object for which the trust was created. Any superior who directly or indirectly influenced the vote of his subject; any person who, having discovered how another voted, and did him an injury because of his vote; any person using threats or violence to procure or to prevent, or to influence a vote, and any person who, by fraud or force kept a voter from the exercise of his or her right of suffrage, were all excommunicated, and subject to other severe punishments. The managers or scrutineers, who examined the tickets, were bound to solemn and perpetual secrecy respecting the special votes of individuals, should they recognise the writing; the tickets were all burned, as soon as the result was ascertained and published; and the individual who voted. went alone to the ballot-box, from which all others but the scrutineers were kept at a considerable distance. It is by such provisions and regulations as these that the purity and permanence of these institutions have been secured. I do not urge the adoption of these nor of any such provisions by our state authorities. But I exhort you to enter fully into their spirit, from the conviction that it is that best calculated to support and to preserve our republics. Surely, the persons who countenance such a system as that which has been gradually No state in the Union-no country in the fastening itself upon us, cannot have re- universe contains, in the ratio of its white flected, that even though its encouragement population, a greater aggregate of men who were not criminal, it must be destructive to condemn, despise, and spurn at such profliliberty; for its necessary consequence is to gacy, than does South Carolina; but they give a preponderating influence in every should not dally with the mischief. Proelection, to wealth and corruption, by placing verbially sensitive to everything which af under their joint control a numerous band fects their honour, they will not permit this of unprincipled, organized, and mercenary degradation. Catholics! if you act on the voters. This evil becomes more formidable present occasion, you will, I repeat it, be as we proceed. The sustenance of to-day, but a speck in the multitude of your virtuous but excites the cravings of to-morrow; the fellow-citizens. Yet, though your place be infection of one spreads the contagion to not conspicuous, let your station be on the another, until our whole atmosphere be- side of virtue, of patriotism, of religion, of comes tainted, and we shall be abhorred as morality, of republican integrity, and the a plague spot in our country. When a com- honour of Carolina. Let shame and dismunity becomes thus vile and venal, it is a grace, and contempt amongst his fellowready instrument in the hands of either a men, be added to the displeasure with which domestic or a foreign foe. To adopt as heaven frowns on the unhappy being, who facts the assertions of our parties, what is would give or take a bribe, or betray his to prevent the northern manufacturer, whose conscience, or block the passages to the mighty resources are so fearfully magnified, ballot-boxes, or create disturbances, or in from outbidding our impoverished planters? any way impede the freedom of his fellowHow are our taxed and ruined agriculturists citizen, in the exercise of his most sacred to compete with the Colonization Society, right-that of voting according to the dicaided by the profuse bounties of Congress? tates of his conscience, for what he conWhat security shall we have that if our free-ceives the good of his country. men's voices be this year purchased for British manufacturers, in opposition to the tariff, that they will not be next year purchased by the British government, in opposition to independent domestic legislation? Shall we even be able to raise the means of outbidding an organized, dependent, domestic faction, who would unite their power, and lavish their fortunes, in a desperate effort to place over us one of their body as a monarch, who would repay, with enormous profit, out of the public spoil, the contributions and the services of his adherents? Thus, were there neither crime nor disgrace in this system, it involves the ruin of the republic. And is it possible that the abettors of the system are blind to this? No! The misfortune in such cases is, that men, proud, ardent, and ambitious, committed publicly, upon a great political question, if they do not become reckless of all consequences, provided they can defeat their opponents, flatter themselves that, after their success, they can heal the evils, which they would not, for any consideration, perpetuate. But the history of the world, and our own experience, exhibit their delusion. The wounds inflicted upon the virtue of the state, if not mortal, are deep and dangerous; and certainly not to be healed by men of this description. Will our fellow-citizens, then, permit our liberties to be thus endangered, by allowing the public virtue to be debauched by men who either are honestly deluded or regardless of the consequences? I have been exceedingly prolix, but you must excuse me; for my mind is absorbed in the subject, and I have left far more topics untouched, than those which I have dwelt upon. Yet, allow me to glance at one other, and I shall have done.-A large portion of you are adopted citizens, and of these, the majority have been born in the land that gave me birth. Not one amongst you, has loved that island with a more ardent affection; not one of you more dearly cherishes its remembrance; not one of you has been more deeply engaged in the contest for its rights, nor more richly earned the execration of its enemies. I am no renegade to Ireland; but I am now an American. Are Americans permitted to vote at Irish elections? You are qualified to deposit your ticket in the ballot-box, upon this distinct unequivocal condition, implied in your solemn oath; that you do renounce and disregard all other considerations in the discharge of your civic and political duties, save that tie which binds you to America. You vote then solely as a Carolinian: as an American. When, upon your approach to the polls, any person addresses you as an Irishman, or a Frenchman, or an Italian, or by any other appellation but Carolinian or American, his language is dishonest and offensive. He is either ignorant, or supposes you to be so, or he has some sinister view. There is a bribery of the affections. There is a bribery in adulation. There is a bribery in taking you by the arm on the day of election, and forgetting who you are, in influence upon your freedom, even were I a few days after. There is a bribery in re- to express it. 6. That although I have writminding you of the bravery, and the patri- ten freely and openly of the corruption otism, and the generosity of the Irish. And which exists amongst us, yet I firmly beall this is the more insulting as the object lieve, that notwithstanding the contaminaof the adulation, or of the familiarity, is too tion of several, and the efforts of others, plain to be mistaken. Of all things, I would there does not exist anywhere a population caution you against pride or rudeness. But that loves political purity more, or that will there is a degree of respect which every more nobly vindicate it, than the citizens of freeman should have for himself, which Charleston. 7. That whether judiciously or should lead him to refuse his arm to a man otherwise, I have come forward to address who only offers it to him for the purpose of my flock from a deep sense of duty, and by leading him like a prisoner to the ballot- no means to lecture my fellow-citizens of box, and thus showing the public, and other denominations. And 8. That I have especially to his own party, how extensive not been influenced by any one, nor have I is his influence; what votes he can com- received a suggestion, nor have I consulted mand. You want no guide to lead you; with any person upon the present occasion. you want no person to select your ticket. Í hope you will not consider that I go too far, when I advise you to reject politely, the officiousness of those persons who thus obtrude upon men equally intelligent as themselves. I am anxious for your proper independence, I am studious of your respectability. But I warn you of your solemn, sworn obligation, that in giving your vote you recollect, that YOU ARE AN AMERICAN! A CAROLINIAN! Would it not be well that after you had done your duty by depositing your ticket, you quietly withdrew? I am aware of the natural anxiety which every one feels to observe the progress, and to calculate and witness the result.-The only suggestions I would make, are, that its indulgence interferes with your industry, and exposes you to be drawn into any brawls or quarrels that might arise. At all events, if any such should occur, I would beseech you to retire. I have done. But I would beg of you to remark, 1. That I have neither expressed nor insinuated an opinion calculated to induce you to vote for one party, rather than for another. 2. That I neither directly, nor indirectly, impute to one party rather than the other, the evils which I lament. 3. That I do not directly, nor indirectly, allege any charge against any individual. 4. That although I have a distinct opinion as to what I conceive to be the correct doctrine in the present crisis, I have not expressed what that opinion is. 5. That whatever that opinion might be, it should have no And now, beloved friends, let me in conclusion, entreat of you not only to ponder seriously, upon what my sense of duty and my affection have urged me to write: but that you would also unite your prayers with mine, to the God of purity, and peace, and order, to preserve in those who are free from contagion, the virtue which he loves; to open the eyes of the guilty to the contemplation of their misdeeds, to fill them with a salutary horror of the abominations of which we complain, and to bestow upon them the blessings of remorse and repentance. May he convert them to the ways of justice and patriotism! And in the difficulties by which we are surrounded, may he open to us a path of salvation and of peace; that guided by his Spirit, we may be led through our pilgrimage, bearing in safety the ark of our liberties! May the voice of his own wisdom proceed from that cloud which now rests upon it, so that the splendour of knowledge may issue from between the guardian cherubim, and an enlightened people released from all their perplexities, may in the well-ordered harmony of their states, go forth in a holy and indissoluble union, to triumph over every obstacle, and to subdue every enemy, till each individual shall under his own vine, and his own fig tree, enjoy his abundance in the security of peace, and rejoicing in prosperity. Such is the prayer of, beloved friends, Your affectionate father in Christ, JOHN, Bishop of Charleston. Charleston, August 24, 1831. ADDRESS IN BEHALF OF THE METROPOLITAN CHURCH OF BALTIMORE, TO THE CLERGY AND FAITHFUL OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH OF THE JOHN ENGLAND, by the Grace of God and of the Holy Apostolic See, Bishop of Charleston, &c. To our beloved brethren, the Clergy and Laity of our said Diocess, health and blessing: of redemption, and distributed the episcopal authority, by the creation of other sees. Alexandria was subsequently made the centre of a new field of missions; and each regarded with peculiar veneration and deep new see that arose within the patriarchate, interest that see from which it originally HAVING learned that our venerable arch- derived its existence, in like manner as bishop has formed an association for the these patriarchal churches acknowledged purpose of making exertions to liquidate the primacy of honour and of jurisdiction the debt of forty thousand dollars now due, in the See of Peter. In each patriarchate, for the erection of the Metropolitan Church when sees were multiplied, provinces were of the see of Baltimore, and also for pre-formed: and that church which, by reason venting the decay of what has been erected, of its antiquity, its importance, or its conand endeavouring to complete the edifice; and that the Catholics of the province of Baltimore, as well as of the exempt diocesses of the United States, have been invited to become members of this association, by paying yearly, for the accomplishment of these desirable objects, the moderate sum of one dollar each, We feel it to be our duty, whatever our own necessities may be, to exhort you strenuously, to enrol yourselves as members of the said association, and to aid otherwise, as far as your means and your particular obligations will permit, in speedily extinguishing the debt, and perfecting the buildings and decorations of the said Metropolitan Church. Nor is this to be considered a mere work of free charity, for it is in some measure a duty, and has always been considered from the earliest period of the church, in the light of an incidental obligation. The Metropolitan Church holds nearly the same relation to the other cathedrals of the province, as each of these cathedrals does to the other churches of their respective diocesses and in this point of view, it may be regarded as belonging to the whole province, at the head of which it stands. The unity of our church is exhibited in the relation and dependence of its several portions. Its visible head is the successor of St. Peter, the chief of the Apostolic College, who fixed in the city of Rome the primatial see of the Catholic world; previously to which he and his associates had, from Antioch and Jerusalem, spread abroad the glad tidings venient location was found best suited for the purpose, was made the metropolis, and had precedence and a certain superintendence over the other sees of the province. Thus several archbishops were found in each patriarchate, and several suffraganbishops in each province: and all formed but the one body of the church of the living God, in perfect organization of its visible head over its visible members. In the year 1790, Baltimore was created an episcopal see, for the then territory of the United States. It was subsequently raised to the dignity of an archiepiscopal see; and as new diocesses were formed by parcelling out its ancient territory, they were made suffragan to their mother church, and bound to regard it with due veneration. This diocess was a portion of its ancient territory, and twenty years have not elapsed since our see was erected, and our territory separated from the ordinary jurisdiction of the archbishop; still he has in our regard a superintending concern, and we look to his cathedral as our metropolis. From that see the good, the venerable Carroll, sent forth his voice to many of you, and to our predecessors in the faith. It is dear to us also on this account. This church also belongs to the province, upon another account. Three of our provincial councils have already been celebrated therein, and others will necessarily follow. It is the prerogative of the archbishop to select the church for the celebration of this assembly; and although this right is left unrestrained by the letter of the law, yet a variety of decisions have manifested, that when not greatly inconvenient, the Metropolitan Church should by all means be preferred, though it should not be selected to the great inconvenience of the suffragans. It is therefore probable that it will continue henceforth, as it has been heretofore, the place for deliberation on the important concerns of our province. Our venerable archbishop has exercised with moderation the right which the discipline of ages, and the sanction of a variety of canonical enactments have thus given to him, of sending by his own authority, and in virtue of his office, through the entire province, collectors of your alms and bounty, to aid in the erection and preservation of this edifice. He has appealed to you for a moderate contribution, and thrown himself rather upon your charity, than upon his claims as of justice. It behooves us, therefore, to meet his appeal in the spirit of affection, of liberality, and of religion. We therefore again earnestly beseech and exhort you to answer in a becoming manner to this appeal: remembering that, in our day of distress, we have been generously aided by our brethren of Baltimore, and that God will bestow his blessings upon those who are zealous for the glory of his house. We therefore request each priest of this diocess: 1st. To procure that in his district associates be enrolled for this good work; 2dly. To appoint some one or more collectors, who shall receive the names and the money; and, 3dly. To have the same transmitted to us at the earliest opportunity, so that we may forward them to the proper officer in Baltimore. Given under our hand, in Charleston, this 15th day of August, (festival of the Assumption,) in the year of our Lord 1839. † JOHN, Bishop of Charleston. R. S. BAKER, Secretary. By the Bishop. ADDRESSES TO CONVENTIONS HELD WITHIN THE DIOCESS OF CHARLESTON. [The records of the Conventions whose proceedings are not given, have not been preserved.] PROCEEDINGS OF THE SECOND ANNUAL CONVENTION OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH OF SOUTH CAROLINA; HELD AT THE CATHEDRAL CHURCH OF ST. FINBAR, IN THE CITY OF CHARLESTON, ON THE lay-delegates who appeared, were, from Charleston district, Antonio della Torre, Alexander England, Thomas Cormick, Peter B. Boutan, four; from the district of St. Michael the Archangel, comprising Georgetown, Williamsburg, Marion and Horry, Myles Dempsey, one; and the town and vicinity of Beaufort, Dr. James C. W. M'Donald, one; from the vicinity of Coosawhatchie, P. O'Connor, one; and from Colleton, Dr. Edward Linah, one; total, eight. Dr. James C. W. M'Donald, was chosen president, and John M. Murray, secretary to the house of lay-delegates. They, together with the Bishop's secretary, and the other members of the lay-delegation, took their seats in an enclosure outside of the sanctuary. The priests who attended were the Rev. John M'Encroe, vicar for the purposes of the constitution; Rev. Edward Swiney, pastor of Augusta, in Georgia, and missionary in the district of Edgefield, S. C.; Rev. Francis O'Donoghue, missionary in North Carolina and in the northeastern part of South Carolina; Rev. John Bermingham, missionary in Charleston, &c.; and Rev. Patrick O'Sullivan, pastor of the church of the B. V. M. Locust Grove, Georgia, and missionary in Abbeville, S. C.: total, five. Rev. T. M'Carthy, of Charleston, was absent through indisposition. The Right Rev. John England, Bishop of Charleston, celebrated mass in pontificals, and conferred the orders of porter and reader upon two candidates for holy orders, and the holy order of sub-deaconship upon Mr. John Magennis. After Mass, but before the blessing, the |