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Thucydides. He mentions nothing of ancient story more honourable, more respectable, than this despised meeting.
The Congress is treated harshly-I wish we would imitate their temper; firm, indeed, if you please but Congress is conducted with firmness and moderation. I wish our House of Commons as freely and uncorruptly chosen.
The proceedings from hence arise from ignorance of the circumstances of America.--The idea of coercion by Troops, where they were not the natural resource, was wanton and idle.
Anger was your motive in all you did. " What! Ihall, “ America presume to be free? Don't hear them-chastise " them !” This was your language castigat auditque-the severest Judge, though he chastises, also hears the party.
All the mischief has arisen from your anger; for your not adapting your means to your ends; troops and violence were ill means to answer the ends of Peace.
I understand Government is not altogether satisfied with the Commander of your troops; he has not been quick enough to shed blood; his moderation is ridiculed: but I know that Gentleman, an Officer of long service, has acted prudently; it was want of wisdom to place an army there---I have heard of armies of observation, but this is an army of irritation.
In the civil war of Paris, where those great men, the Prince of Condé and Marshal Turenne commanded the two parties Marsal Turenne was said often to have been near the Prince. The Queen was angry; she did not see why, when he was so near the Prince, he should not take him ; she was offended, and with some anger asked, “ Quand vous etiez si pris, pourquoi “ n'avez- VC15 pers pris le Prince.” That great Officer who knew his business, answered coolly, “ J'avois peur, Madame, " qu'ii ne m'eut prit.”
The Ministry tell you, that the Americans will not abide by the Congress ;--they are tired of the Association ;-true, many of the Merchants may be but it does not now depend on the
Merchants, nor do the accounts come even from the principal Merchants, but from the runners of Ministry. But were the dissatisfaction among the Merchants ever so great, the account is no way conformable to the nature of America.
The nation of America, who have the virtues of the People they sprung from, will not be slaves. Their language is, if Trade and Slavery are companions, we quit the Trade; let Trade and Slavery go where they will, they are not for us.
Your anger represents them as refractory and ungrateful, in not submitting to the parent they sprung from ; but they are in truth grown an accession of strength to this country; they know their importance; they wish to continue their utility to you ; but though they may be sick of the Association, those sons of the earth will never be dissuaded from their Affociation.
After the repeal of the Stamp Act, two years after, I was in the country an hundred miles off; a Gentleman who knew the country, told me, that if regiments had landed at that time, and ships had been fent to destroy the towns, they had come to a resolution to retire back into the country. It is a fact--a Noble Lord fmiles; if I were to mention the Gentleman's name, it would not increase his smile.
I wish the young Gentlemen of our time, would imitate those Americans that are misrepresented to them ; I wish they would imitate their frugality; I wish they would imitate that Liberty which the Americans love better than life ; imitate that courage which a love of Liberty produces.
One word more. I will send my Plan, if the state of a miserable constitution stretches me on a sick-bed. It is to put an end to the quarrel. " What before you know whether they “ will come to terms?” Yes, let my expectations be what they will, I should recall the troops; it partakes of a nullity to accept submission under the influence of arms.
I foretel, these Bills must be repealed.--I submit to be called an idiot if they are not; three millions of men ready to be armed, and talk of forcing them?
. There may be dangerous men, and dangerous men and dangerous councils, who would instil bad doctrines, advise the enslaving of America ; they might not endanger the Crown, perhaps, but they would render it not worth the wearing
The cause of America is allied to every true Whig. They will not bear the enslaving of America. Some Whigs may love their fortunes better than their principles; but the body of Whigs will join ; they will not enslave America. The whole Irish nation, all the true English Whigs, the whole nation of America, these combined make many millions of Whigs, averse to the system. France has her full attention upon you ; war is at your door ; carrying a question here, will not save your country in such extremities.
This being the state of things, my advice is, to proceed to allay heats; I would at the instant begin, and do something towards allaying and softening resentment.
My Motion, you see, respects the army, and their dangerous situation. Not to undervalue General Gage, who has served with credit, he acts upon his instructions; if he has not been alert enough to shed blood;
Non dimicare quam vincere maluit, And he judged well. The Americans too have acted with a prudence and moderation, that had been worthy of our example, were we wise ;-to their moderation it is owing, that our troops have so long remained in safety.
Mal-Adminiftration has run its line-it has not a move left-it is a check-mate.
Forty thousand men are not adequate to the idea of subduing them to your Taxation. Taxation exists only in Representation ; take them to your heart, who knows what their generosity may effect?
I am not to be understood as meaning a naked, uncondi. tional repeal ; no, I would maintain the superiority of this country at all events.
But But you are anxious who shall difarm first. That great Poet, and, perhaps, a wiser and greater Politician than ever he was a Poet, has given you wiseft counsel, follow it:
Tuque prior, tu parce; genus qui ducis Olympo.
Projice tela manu. Who is this man that will own this system of force as practicable ? And is it not the height of folly to pursue a system that is owned to be impracticable.
I therefore move, that an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, most humbly to advise and bescech his Majesty, that, in order to open the ways towards an happy settlement of the dangerous troubles in America, by beginning to allay ferments and soften animosities there; and above all, for preventing in the mean time, any sudden and fatal catastrophe at Boston, now suffering under the daily irritation of an army before their eyes, posted in their town, it may graciously please his Majesty, that immediate orders may be dispatched to General Gage, for removing his Majesty's forces from the town of Boston, as soon as the rigour of the season, and other circumstances indispenfable to the safety and accommodation of the said troops may render the same practicable.
The Earl of Chatham, Jan. 20, 1775.
I ENTIRELY agree with the Honourable Gentleman who seconded the Motion for an Address to his Majesty, that every man ought now to speak out; and in a moment so important as the present to the whole empire, I think it ill becomes the dignity and duty of Parliament to lose itself in such a fulsome, adulatory Address to the Throne as that now proposed. We ought rather, Sir, to approach our Sovereign with sound and wholesome advice, and even with Remonftrances against the conduit of his Ministers, who have precipitated the nation into an unjust, ruinous, felonious and murderous war. I call the war with our brethren in America an unjust, felonious war,
because because the primary cause and confessed origin of it is, to attempt to take their money from them without their consent, contrary to the common rights of all mankind, and those great fundamental principles of the English constitution, for which Hampden bled. I assert, Sir, that it is in consequence a murderous war ; because it is an attempt to deprive men of their lives, for standing up in the just cause of the defence of their property and their clear rights. It becomes no less a murderous war, with respect to many of our fellow-subjects of this iland : for every man, either of the navy or army, who has been sent by government to America, and has fallen a victim in this unnatural and unjust contest, has been murdered by Administration, and his blood lies at their door. Such a war, I fear, Sir, will draw down the vengeance of heaven upon this devoted kingdom.
I think this war, Sir, fatal and ruinous to our country. It absolutely annihilates the only great source of our wealth, which we enjoyed unrivaled by other nations; and deprives us of the fruits of the laborious industry of near three millions of sube jects, which centered here. That coinmerce has already taken its fight, and our American Merchants are now deploring the consequences of a wretched policy, which has been pursued to their destruction. It is, Sir, no less ruinous with regard to the enormous expences of the fleets and armies necessary for this nefarious undertaking ; so that we are wasting our present wealth, while we are destroying the sources of all we might . have in future.
I speak, Sir, as a friend to England and America, but still * more to universal liberty, and the rights of all mankind. I trust no part of the subjects of this vast empire will ever submit to be slaves. I am sure the Americans are too high spirited to brook the idea. Your whole power, and that of your allies, if you had any, and of all the German troops you can hire, cannot effect so wicked a purpose. The conduct of the present Administration has already wrested the sceptre of America out of the VOL. I,