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for-[A cry from the Treasury Bench of, yes there was!]-But I must deny that there was any. After Sir Robert had been made a Peer, I am perfectly aware that a Secret Committee was inftituted for the purpose of investigating all the transactions of the past ten years of his life, and every body knows in what manner the Secret Committee was put an end to. In the prefent cafe it has been asked," what, no fault imputed ?" So far from any faults being capable of being imputed to the Right Hon. Gentleman, I proteft I do not know any person less culpable. The fact is, the Houfe has thought proper to deny its confidence to the Right Hon. Gentleman, not with any view to profcription in future, but merely on account of the grounds upon which he came into office; and no Minifter can think of ftanding after this Houfe has withdrawn its confidence. It never has been done, nor indeed ever attempted. Let the Right Hon. Gentleman reflect a little how extraordinary it is, therefore, for him to perfift in keeping his place. Not that I mean to blame him for it. I like his fpirit. He has fhewn it, and proved, what I always thought he would prove, fit to be a Minifter. But let the Right Hon. Gentleman look to the manner in which a period has been put to former Adminiftrations. The Earl of Shelburne loft his fituation by the peace he made; à peace which I always confidered as a good thing for the country, but of which I now entertain ten times a better opinion than before; because if the war had continued, and the divifions and contefts we had been lately engaged in taken place, the country must have been utterly ruined. The Earl of Shelburne, upon a majority of fixteen only against him in this Houfe, though with a confiderable majority in the other Houfe, thought fit to retire. My Noble Friend in the blue ribbon alfo, had not had a majority against him two years ago, but he nevertheless thought it right to retire, when he faw his majority rapidly decreafing. My Noble Friend has done wifely in fo retiring. I thought and faid fo at the time, having, as I recollect, stood up pretty nearly in the fame place in which I now ftand, and advised my

Noble

Noble Friend to take the hint and retire. Minifters may imagine whatever they please, but it is impoffible for them to remain after this House has denied them their confidence. I am well known to be a friend to the prerogative of the Crown, but that prerogative has been lately exercifed in fo lavifh a way, that though I would not point it out as a fault imputable to the Right Hon. Gentleman, (Mr. Pitt) yet certainly it has been ufed in fuch a manner, as to excite and deserve the notice of this Houfe. The Crown has an undoubted right to diftribute honours, but it never has been held to be a right or a conftitutional exercife of the prerogative to lavish honours and titles in fuch a manner as has of late been the cafe. This House has feen four peerages within the last month, and I understand there is a promife of thirteen or fourteen more. 'It is not a little extraordinary that three out of four are beftowed on Gentlemen from Cornwall, a county that was ever remarkable for more of what is called rotten boroughs than any other county in the kingdom. I do not mean to abufe the Gentlemen who have received these honours, but it cannot efcape the notice of the Houfe, that it is extraordinary they should happen to be created just now, and three of them out of fuch a county. The Duke of Northumberland has but lately come into that county, and, tottering as he is under the load of ribbons and honours, and other favours of the Crown, he has been decked with one more, honour. How the Noble Duke came by his former honours, you all know; perhaps it might be gueffed at, why he has an additional honour granted him at this time. When I say this, I declare I mean nothing derogatory to the Noble Duke; I have a very high respect for him; but I thought it right to obferve a little upon this matter, fince my Right Hon. Friend has been ridiculed, because he could not, when Minister, make a fingle Peer. The fact certainly was fo. My Right Hon. Friend has alfo lately been fneered at, and it has been faid, that his majorities did not increafe. I will venture to say, that the House, under fuch temptations, has evinced unexampled inte

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grity, and daring difinterestedness. Had my Right Hon. Friend had it in his power to make one-half, and promise seven out of the fourteen Peers he had mentioned, I would have undertaken to have answered for his majorities having increased, rather than decreased. With regard to the reason of making these Peers just now, I conceive it not to have been fo much, because the perfons fo to be honoured were wanted to do the business in the Houfe of Lords, but because there were others wanted to do business in the Houfe of Commons. The advifing his Majefty to difmifs his Minifters about Chriftmas was a rash and foolish thing; but having done fo, the prefent Minifters fhould complete the bufinefs. They fhould have inftantly diffolved the prefent Parliament. That would have been acting rightly and wifely; not that I mean to speak inconfiftently with my former opinion against a diffolution. All I mean now is, that a meafure which I by no means approve, could only have been rendered of any effect by being immediately followed up by another measure, which I likewife, abftractedly confidered, deemed equally rafh and improper. I voted for Mr. Fox's India Bill, because I thought upon the whole the Bill a good one. There were parts of it, undoubtedly, which wanted, and which I was pretty certain would now receive the neceflary improvement. Mr. Pitt's Bill I will call by no nick-name; I will apply no watch-word of a party to it; I will barely fay it does not appear to me to have been any thing like effectual, or equal to the real neceffity of the cafe. With regard to the patronage the Bill gave, I had, at any time, rather truft a large influence, broad and oftenfible, in the hands of a Minifter, properly refponfible, than the smallest portion of an influence, fecret in its nature, in any hands whatever. Before I fit down, however warmly I may have delivered myself, I hope I have not spoken offenfively; I am fure I had no intention to do fo.

Mr. Rigby, Feb. 8, 1784.

AMERICAN

TH

AMERICAN AFFAIRS.

HERE are two things which Ministry have laboured to deceive the People in, and have perfuaded them to; first, that it was an affair of Bofton only, and that the very appearance of one fingle regiment there, would quiet every thing.

Tdeceive the people in, and have them to,

I have foretold the falfehood of both; I was converfant with that country more, more years, perhaps, than any man; I knew the cause of Bofton would be made the cause of America; I knew the mode of the Military would not be effectual.

The manner of proceeding againft Bofton, was a profcription of a People unheard ;-unheard in any Court, either in the common Courts of Juftice, or the higher, of Parliament, in both of which, evidence of facts are ftated in proof of criminality; but the Americans were denied to be heard. The People of America condemned, and not heard, have a right to refift.

By whofe advice vindictive counsels were pursued-by whose advice falfe representations were made-by whofe advice malice and ill-will were made principles of governing a free People;-all these are questions that will be afked. I mean no perfonal charge on any man farther than his mifdoings call for.

There ought to be fome inftant proceeding towards a fettlement before meeting of the Delegates. My object is to put the foot on the threshold of Peace, and to fhew an intention of reconciling; I will, unless I am fixed to a fick bed-I will attend this business throughout, till I fee America obtain what I think fatisfaction for her injuries-still attentive that she shall own the fupremacy of this country.

It would be my advice to his Majesty to end this quarrel the fooneft poffible; his repose is our duty. Who by mis-advice had planted a thorn in his fide, by a contest with a People determined on their purpose ?—

I wish to offer myself, mean as I am-I have a Plan, a Plan of a Settlement; folid, honourable, and lafting.

America means only to have fafety in Property, and perfonal Liberty. These, and these only were her object. Independency was falfely charged on her.

I disclaim all metaphyfical diftinctions.

The Declaratory Act leaves you a right to take their money when you please.

I mean to meddle with no man's opinion; and leaving all men to follow the Plan of their own opinions of former profeffions, my Plan is to establish for the American an unequivocal, express right of not having his Property taken from him but by his own Confent, in his own Affembly.

Eight weeks delay admits no farther hefitation, no, not of a moment; the thing may be over; a drop of blood renders it immedicabile vulnus.'

Whether it can ever now be a true Reconciliation, muft be owing to the full compenfation that America fhall receive. Repeal the mutual ill-will that fubfifts, for it is not the repeal of a little Act of Parliament that will work Peace. Will the repeal of a bit of parchment avail? Will, think you, three millions of People in Arms be fatisfied by fuch a repeal? It must be a repeal on the principle of Juftice? There must be no procrastination; you are to a moment-now-inftantaneously. Every hour, that a beginning is not made towards foftening, towards healing! the very news of which might work wonders-endangers the fixed Liberty of America, and the honour of the Mother Country.

The fuccefs and permanent effect of the best measures may arife from mutual good-will.

My Motion is part of a Plan; and I begin with a proof of good-will. My Motion is, " to addrefs the King to remove "the Forces from the town of Boston."

The Congress, they are more wife, and more prudent than the meeting of ancient Greece. Your Lordships have read Thucy

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