What fort of com

character and credit of our Government. pany fome Gentlemen may keep, I do not know; but to me, that keep all forts of company, the difappointment upon the former Motion's being rejected, appeared evident in the face of every man, who had not reason, upon his own account, or the account of fome of his friends, to dread the confequences of that inquiry; and whatever we may think within doors, it will be thought without, nay, it is now generally said, that if fome people were not conscious of their own guilt, they would not fo vigorously oppose an inquiry: for an innocent man, when he finds himself accufed or fufpected, will always defire. to be brought to a fair and legal trial, that he may have an opportunity to vindicate his character against those whispers that are spread about against him. This, Sir, is the language now held without doors; and the certain confequence will be, that if we let this Seffion pafs over without any inquiry, it will be faid, that a Majority of us have been partakers in the guilt, and partners in the plunder of our Country.

From hence, Sir, I must hope, that every innocent man in this House, (and now that one man is gone from amongst us, I hope, all of us are fo) will be for the Queftion I am now to propose, because I have taken care to prevent its being liable to the two chief objections that seemed to prevail against my laft Motion. These were, its being too extenfive as to time, and too extenfive as to matter. An inquiry for twenty years back was thought to be without precedent, and that it would be such a precedent as might be of dangerous confequence in future times. This was one of the chief objections against it, and an objection which, I believe, had weight with fome whofe, concurrence I hope to be favoured with in this Motion. And the other objection was, its comprehending all our foreign as well as domestic affairs, which muft of course have brought all the papers relating to our foreign negotiations before our Committee. To this it was objected, that it would endanger the difcovery of fome of the most important fecrets of our Govern

ment

ment to our enemies, which might be of the most fatal confequence now, that we are engaged in one war, and in great likelihood of being foon obliged to engage in another. This likewife feemed to have weight, and, I believe, prevailed with fome Gentlemen to be againft my former Motion; for which reafon I fhall now only move, That a Committee be appointed to inquire into the conduct of Robert Earl of Orford, during the last ten years of his being Firft Commiffioner of the Treafury, and Chancellor and Under Treasurer of his Majefty's Exchequer.

Sir, I hope the time of inquiry propofed by this Motion will not be thought too extenfive; for confidering the chief crime of a domestic nature he has been accused of, our inquiry cannot, I think, be confined within narrower bounds. The crime I mean, is that of applying not only all the favours of the Crown, but even the Public Money, towards gaining a corrupt influence at Elections and in Parliament. This he is generally accused of by the voice of the People without doors and, I believe, there is not a Gentleman in this Houfe that has been chofen in opposition to what was called the Court Intereft, who was not fenfible of fome fuch practices being carried on against him, before and at the time of his Election. Every Gentleman must be fenfible, that it is very difficult to fix fuch practices upon a Minifter, because they are not only carried on in an hidden manner, but by Tools and Under-Agents, who do not appear at the Election as Agents for the Minifter, but as Agents for the Court Candidate; and generally spend their money very freely; though it is often known, that neither they nor their Candidate had ever any money of their own to spare: nay, thofe Agents are often known to be Treasury-Agents, though in the common courfe of juftice it is impoffible to prove that they are: it will even be difficult for a Committee of this Houfe, with all the powers we can give them, to trace this practice up to its original fource: but, confidering the general fufpicion without doors, and the many ftrong reasons there are

for

for believing that fufpicion to be well grounded, we ought certainly to aim at it; and if we do, we cannot begin later than the time when canvaffing may be fuppofed to have begun for the chufing of the laft Parliament, which, I reckon, was about ten years ago; for as that Parliament was chofen in the fummer 1734, we must suppose that the Candidates, especially where there was like to be an oppofition, began to take meafures for fecuring their intereft in the fummer 1732, which will just come within the term of ten years, computing back from this time.

For this reason, I hope, this will appear to be the shortest time I could move for: and as it is much fhorter than the time propofed by my last Motion, I hope I fhall have the concurrence of many Gentlemen who then appeared against me; especially as I have likewife in this taken care to obviate the other objection, of its being too extenfive as to the matters propofed to be inquired into; for as this Noble Lord had by none of his Offices any thing to do with foreign affairs, this Motion cannot be faid to relate to, or comprehend any affairs of that nature, unless it be supposed, that this Minister directed every other branch of public bufinefs, as well as that of the Treasury; which, I am fure, none of his friends will pretend to fay, because this would be as great a crime as any he is accused of. This Motion cannot therefore be supposed to relate to any Foreign Affairs, and, confequently, an inquiry into this Nobleman's conduct, cannot be fuppofed to endanger the discovery of any of the fecrets of our Government. Nay, if he, whilft he was in office, confined himself to the duty of his office, our inquiry, in pursuance of this Motion, can comprehend but one branch even of our Domestic Affairs, and that branch too, which, of all others, has the leaft to do with our Foreign Affairs. An inquiry into the conduct of a Secretary of State, a Secretary at War, a Commiffioner of the Admiralty, or even the Lord High Chancellor, might be faid to have fome relation to Foreign Affairs; but I cannot fuggest to my

felf

felf what a Commiffioner of the Treasury can have to do with Foreign Affairs, or how an inquiry into his conduct can have the least relation to any Foreign Affairs whatever: confequently, I hope, this Motion will appear to be quite free from this objection, which feemed to be urged with fo much weight against my former and as much has in this Seffion been faid, upon former occafions, about the neceffity of an immediate inquiry, I fhall add no more, but move to refolve, That a Committee be appointed, as I have before-mentioned.

Lord Limerick, March 23, 1741.

THE Laws and Liberties we now enjoy, were procured for us by fuch of our ancestors, as were utter ftrangers to every fyftem but what conduced to honour and virtue. A Government fupported upon any other bafis ought not to subsist a moment longer, nor is such a one worth contending for; no, not even by those whofe depraved minds are not to be gratified by the corrupteft Government, because those who act or fight for hire only, are always looking out for the best market. So that I hope we fhall not let this Seffion pass without a good Militia Bill; for a standing army, even in time of war, was never yet an object that fuited the genius of this Nation, fuppofing it kept up with the ftricteft œconomy, because it is not our natural defence; and I can aver, there hath nothing happened within thefe twelve months and upwards to render it more acceptable: for be it ever fo formidable, it cannot be every where, much less can it prevent invafions or infurrections, when, to our late memorable fhame, we were twice baffled by a banditti rabble; and, in all probability, we had been served fo a third time, but for the presence of his Royal Highness the Duke whereas a well-armed and well-difciplined Militia, difperfed over the face of this Kingdom, muft fuppress all rifings in the first instance, befides the great benefits we should have of them in every maritime county, to put a stop to that abominable trade of fmuggling, without having recourfe to a

much

much more abominable practice, of putting your laws in execution by a military force: a precedent, give me leave to tell you, Sir, that must be fatal to the Liberties of this Kingdom, if not timely prevented.

Sir, the conduct of our late and prefent Patriots, as they prefume to call themfelves, proves the neceffity there is for fome alteration in your Conftitution; because, how inhumane is it for that eloquence, which was given by Providence for its defence and prefervation, to be employed in its ruin and deftruction! Punishments there are for the thief, the murderer, and the bare-faced traitor; but alas! to the grief of all welldifpofed minds, there is none for the fordid orator: I fay, Sir, there is none for the fardid orator, who fhall one day difplay his eloquence in the cause of his country, to fhew his parts and gain attention; and the next shall convince his injured countrymen, that he is a prostitute to venality, and the purchased slave of a corrupt Miniftry. What pity it is that fuch wretches cannot be brought to condign punishment, without doing violence to the laws of their country, who one day fling out farcafins against the Measures of an Adminiftration, as ruinous and deftructive, for no other caufe but to be admitted principals in it and the next day pursue the very fame measures which they had fo emphatically exploded, without the least jot or tittle of alteration in the whole minifterial Syftem. Surely, Sir, if there is one of that abject style in being, how can he ftand clear of that occultum quatiente animo tortere flagellum? -Or why should he not expect every moment to be hurled down into that execrable, that most deteftable pit, where the worm never dies, and the fire is never quenched!

Sir, I should have no objection to addreffing his Majesty, could I perceive the least tendency to restore the Conftitution to its ancient purity. The Royal Family upon the Throne, under whom we enjoy fo many bleffings, found us in poffeffion of the Triennial Act; and although it might be proper to repeal it upon an extraordinary occafion, yet to continue Parliaments