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land's views, I think is beyond a doubt. He was appointed in 1553; King Edward died on the 6th of July following, and on the 15th of the same month the Lady Jane refigned her pretenfions to the Crown; so that Sir John Cheek could only have held that office for a month. That he was the Duke of Northumberland's agent, I have no doubt; he fled on Mary's accesfion; he was brought back, imprisoned in the Tower, and stripped of his substance: to save his life he signed a declaration, profeffing popery, and died in 1557, contemned, as he deserved to be, by all good men, for wanting principle. I trust the House will agree with me, that such a precedent, in such a time, for such a purpose, and for a month only, deserves not the least attention.

I'am, Sir, at a loss to guess upon what ground the Noble Lord's (Lord George Germaine) right to a seat in this House will be defended. I contend that it is a new office, new in fact, though not in name.

The 27th section of the Act of the 6th of Queen Anne declares, in order to prevent too great a number of Commissioners from being appointed for the execution of any office, that no greater number of Commissioners shall be appointed for the ex. ecution of any office, than have been employed in the execution of such respective office before the first day of that Parliament. It is incumbent, therefore, on the Noble Lord, or his friends, to prove, that before that Parliament there existed more than two Secretaries of State, which I contend never was the case, except during a single month of Edward the Sixth's time; a * precedent which, from what I have faid of it, I trust will not have any weight.

The office of Secretary of State for the Colonies was first established in 1768, in favour of the Earl of Hillsborough ; he was succeeded, in 1772, by Lord Dartmouth; in 1775, the Noble Lord (Lord Geo. Germaine) over the way took that office, Sir Joseph Mawbey, March 11, 1779..

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THERE are many precedents fince Queen Anne's time, to shew that there have been fix different appointments, of three, and once four Secretaries of State. In the time of Edward the Vith, there was a third Secretary of State ; and in 1908-9, more business arising, she thought it fit to appoint a third Se. cretary of State. There is an instance when there were four Secretaries, one of whom was a Commoner, that was in 1723; these were the Duke of Roxburgh and two others; one of whom going with the King to Hanover, Sir Robert Walpole was appointed fourth Secretary of State. A new writ issued on the 4th of May, 1723, he was re-elected, and his seat was never questioned; and in 1730, it was not given in as a nedu place, when the account of such was called for.

Mr. De Grey, March 11, 1775.

No Irishman ever dreamt of the power of England to bind Ireland ; so far back as the year 1642, the Roman Catholicks of Ireland, in their great Assembly of Trim, in the county of Meath, solemenly resolved, that Ireland was an independent kingdom, and its Crown imperial; and in the year before, the

Parliament of Ireland had voted a similar Proposition. The · claims of the Irish are not novel, they are as old as Henry the

IId, who gave them the laws and constitution of England, and granted them of course a Parliament. The Great Charter was given them by his grandson, Henry the IIId, and they had a free and independent legislature till the year 1719, when the Lords of England thought proper to resolve, that a cause which had been tried in appeal by the Lords of Ireland, had been coram non judice; and then, and not before, did England think of aflerting by law the supremacy of England over Ireland, though the latter had, till that period, even after the Revolution, enjoyed the right of appeal to her own King, in his Parliament of Ireland.

Mr. Courtenay, May 17, 1782.

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When Augustus Cæsar modestly consented to become the tribune of the people, Rome gave up into the hands of that Prince the only remaining shield she had to protect her liberty. The tribunitian power in this country, as in ancient Rome, was wisely kept distinct and separate from the executive power : in this government it was constitutionally lodged where it ought naturally to be lodged, in the House of Commons; and to that House the people ought first to carry their complaints, even when they were directed against the measures of the House itself: but now the people are taught to pass by the door of the House of Commons, and supplicate the Throne for the protection of their liberties : hence the dissolution of the late Parliament, pretendedlyin obedience to the sense of the people ; from addresses the sense of the people have been collected, and not from the House of Commons. But I warn the people to beware of this double House of Commons, which Ministers are erecting on the foundation of their delusion; the Commons of England in Parliament assembled; and the Commons of England in corporation and county meetings dispersed; an artful Minister would craftily play off the one after the other; he would make use of a pliant House of Commons to oppress the people; and he would make use of a deluded House of Commons, dispersed through the country, to awe a refractory or independent collected House of Commons. If the proceedings of the late Parliament had been really disagreeable to the people, why had they not petitioned that House against those proceedings? If they had petitioned, and their prayers had been disregarded, or treated with contempt, then addresses to the Throne for a diffolution of Parliament would have been extremely proper: when public economy became the general with of the people, petitions were presented not to the Crown, but to the House of Commons; but means have been contrived of late so to delude the people, as to make them the very instruments of the degradation of that branch of the government, the destruction of which must · necessarily be attended with the loss of their liberty,

Mr. Burke, June 15, 1784. . Yol. I.

IN

IN 1751, there was in the Exchequer of Ireland, a surplus of 400,000l. This, instead of being a matter of joy, was the · cause of general consternation throughout the kingdom. It ! was feared that the Crown was become so rich, that it could. pay off the debt that was then upon the nation; and, having no farther occasion for the annual grants, would call no more Parliaments. The alarm was universal. " Good God! the “ Crown out of debt!" was the general cry. “ What's to

become of us?” said the Parliament. « And what further « employment is there for me?” exclaimed the politician. In short the terror and disinay were indescribable.

Lord North, May 30, 1785.

· ATTACK.

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AS the Honourable Gentleman (Sir Robert Walpole) who A spoke last, has made grievous complaints of the treatment he and his friends receive from other Gentlemen, I am a good deal surprized, that he should at the same time fall into that very error, which he so much complains of in others; for to say that Gentlemen make Motions, only for the sake of having an opportunity to declaim against those in the Administration, or for the fake of making a figure in the Votes, is language, in my opinion, as unparliamentary, and treating Gentlemen with as little candour, as what he has blamed others for.

I must say it seems to be a very difficult matter to know how to please these great men the Administration; for I find that when any encomiums are made upon them, when any thing is said in praise of their measures, they immediately take it to be meant by way of irony; and if any Gentleman happens to give them any names which may seem to be a little harsh, those they understand exactly as they are spoke, and complain that Gentlemen do not treat them in a parliamentary way: but, whatever other people may do, I am none of those who have bestowed panegyrics either upon the present or upon any Admi nistration, and I hope I never was or ever shall be guilty of calling names.

Mr. Shippen, Jan. 23, 1734.

Upon such a flight view, Sir, as I have taken of the accounts now upon the table, it is not possible for me to enter into the particular articles : but I cannot help taking notice of one, which to me seems very extraordinary. There is near 250,000 l. charged, not for the building of ships, but for the building of houses; whether such houses were necessary, I shall not now proceed to determine : but if they were, I think it

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