coft at least half the blood and fubftance of Great-Britain. The moft haughty and powerful Monarch of his time, Lewis the XIVth, when there was a formidable commotion in the Cevennes, condefcended to depute two Marfhals of France to enter into a treaty with the male-contents. Peace was accordingly made, and the terms of it were afterwards faithfully fulfilled.

Look, Sir, into the hiftory of the proudeft, as well as moft renowned people that ever existed, the Romans; obferve the conclufion of their Social War, and you will fee they were not above negociating a peace with thefe very infurgents, whom they had before, individually by name, profcribed as rebels. Rome found herself at that day reduced to the fame critical predicament which, I apprehend, we now ftand in; there was no other poffible means of restoring concord, or saving the commonwealth from ruin. But, Sir, above all, I would wifh the House to give due weight to a conclufive remark of the excellent author of the Commentaries on the Laws of England, where he is defcanting on the Revolution of 1688, which placed the fceptre in the hands of King William, and eventually brought in the illuftrious House of Hanover to be guardians of the Proteftant religion, and affertors of the antient conftitutional rights of all the subjects throughout the British monarchy. "No practical fyftem of law (fays he) are so perfect, as to point out before-hand those eccentric remedies, which national energency will dictate and will justify."

Honourable Temple_Luttrell, Nov. 7, 1775

WHEN news was brought to Agelfilaus, King of Sparta, during a war in Greece, that a bloody fight had happened near the city of Corinth, but that the Spartans were victorious, and the number of their troops killed was but inconfiderable, compared with the lofs of the enemy; inftead of exultations of joy, that wife and humane Monarch, with a deep figh, cried out, "Oh, unhappy Greece! to have flain fo many warriors with

thine own hand, who, had they lived, might have proved a match for all the barbarians in the world!"

Honourable Temple Luttrell, Oct. 31, 1776.

BEFORE the Revolution there were but few difqualifications affecting the elected. I know but of two Acts of Parliament, one in the first year of Henry the Vth, confining their refidence to the counties, cities, and boroughs, for which they served; the other, the twenty-third of Henry the VIth, respecting Knights of fhires. There were, indeed, certain disqualifications, by the lex et confuetudo Parliamenti, as that neither aliens nor minors fhould be elected; that the Clergy should not be chofen, because they fit in Convocation; perfons attainted of treafon or felony could not fit, because they are unfit to fit any where the Judges, my Lord Coke fays, cannot fit, because of their attendance in the House of Lords. In my poor opinion there may be another, and as good a reason affigned; and that is, that it is highly improper to blend the legislative and judicial capacities together.

Here let me remark, by the way, that at a time when the Judges of England are prevented, by the law and cuftom of Parliament, (which is the law of the land) from fitting in the House of Commons, and the Judges of Scotland are declared incapable of being elected by the Act of 7 Geo. the IId, the very great impropriety of the Judges for the principality of Wales fitting in this House.

I beg leave to recommend this matter to the confideration of the Honourable Gentleman who has this day moved to augment the Welch Judges falaries.

The Act, Sir, of the 5th and 6th of William and Mary, which laid a duty on falt, beer, ale, and other liquors, expressly declared, that no person concerned in farming, managing, or collecting the faid duties, shall be capable of fitting in Parliament. It alfo difqualifies the managers of all other aids that shall hereafter be granted. The 11th and 12th of King William ex

cluded

cluded the Commiffioners of the Cuftoms. It went farther, and even forbids them from ufing any influence with voters under certain penalties. The Act of the 4th of Queen Anne went ftill farther, and excluded various defcriptions of men, all of whom are declared incapable of being elected by the Act of the 6th of Queen Anne.

The 1ft of Geo. I. Section II. cap. 56. difables any perfon from fitting in the House of Commons, who fhall have any penfion from the Crown, for any term or number of years, and fubjects fuch perfons as should so fit to the penalty of 201. per day.

The 17th of Geo. II. regulates the elections of Members to serve for Scotland, and incapacitates the Judges of the Court of Seffions, Court of Jufticiary, and Barons of the Court of Exchequer in Scotland, from being elected Members of Parlia

ment.

During the adminiftration of Sir Robert Walpole, various attempts were made to restrain the influence of the Crown over this branch of the legislature; Place and Pension Bills were frequently brought in, and two or three times actually passed the Houfe of Commons, but were as often loft in the other House of Parliament. On the retreat or removal of Sir Robert Walpole, an Act of Parliament was however paffed in 1742, 15 Geo. II, which difabled the Commiffioners of Revenue in Ireland, the Commiffioners of the Navy and Victualling Offices, - Clerks in various departments, and many other defcriptions of men, who, from their fituation, were fuppofed, natural enough, to be under influence, from fitting in Parliament; and fubjecting fuch as should, notwithstanding, prefume to fit and vote, to a penalty of 201. a day.

In the 33d of George II. an Act paffed to oblige Members to deliver in a schedule of their qualifications, and take and fubfcribe an oath of the fame. Thefe, Sir, are all the difqualifications on the perfons to be elected to Parliament, excepting that there are three Acts in the reign of Queen Anne, and one

in

in the reign of George the IId, difabling the Regifters, or their Deputies, for the three Ridings in Yorkshire, and the county of

Middlefex, from fitting in Parliament.

Sir fofeph Mawbey, March 11, 1775

THAT the office of Secretary of State is of very ancient establishment in this kingdom, I am ready to allow, though they were not always confidered of equal importance as now. I have endeavoured to acquire all the knowledge I could of that office; I think, therefore, I am warranted in saying, that there never was more than one Secretary of State till towards the end of Henry the Eighth.

Two Secretaries of State only were appointed at the fame time in King Henry's reign. In the time of his fucceffor, Edward the Sixth, there were only two Secretaries of State, till towards the close of his reign; a third Secretary was then appointed in the person of Sir John Cheek. Of this appointment, as I expect to hear much from the oppofite fide of the House, I will presently speak more fully.

In the reign of Queen Elizabeth there were but two Secretaries of State; there were no more in the reign of King James. In the reign of Charles the First there were but two, they were Secretary Windebank, at one time, and Coke, and afterwards the elder Sir Henry Vane fucceeded. At the Restoration, Sir Edward Nicholas and Sir William Morris were the Secretaries. On or about the year 1670, Henry Lord Arlington fucceeded Sir Edward Nicholas, and Sir John Trevor Sir William MorThere continued to be only two Secretaries of State during the remainder of King Charles the Second's reign. There were but two in the reign of King James the Second. There were no more than two in that of King William, nor, I believe, in that of Queen Anne; at leaft, in that part of it which preceded the year 1705.

rice.

Having thus fhewn that originally, and till the end of the reign of Henry the Eighth, there was but one Secretary of

State,

.

State, and afterwards but two, (except in the fingle cafe of Sir John Cheek's, in Edward the Sixth's time) I now proceed to take more particular notice of that appointment.

I contend, Sir, that the precedent is not fuch as fhould have attention paid to it. It was established in a time of faction, and exifted but a moment. Gentlemen know that the Duke of Northumberland plotted to bring the Crown into his own family, in confequence of the marriage of his fon, the Lord Guildford Dudley, with the Lady Jane Grey, who, after the King's fifters, Mary and Elizabethy was prefumptive heir to the Crown. He prepared himself accordingly; fome of his creatures were put into old offices; for others, new offices were created. Sir John Cheek had been the King's Preceptor; he had, it may be reasonably prefumed, in confequencé, an infiuence over the Royal Mind. Mr. Secretary Cecil had befides married Sir John Cheek's fifter, and Cecil had at first objected to the settlement of the Crown in favour of the Lady Jane, though he afterwards became a witness to it: it was of the utmoft importance to Northumberland's views to gain Sir John Cheek a new office; a new appointment was therefore created for him, that of third Secretary of State; he had befides douceurs given him. Sir William Petre' was the other Secretary; a man, I may fafely fay, without principle, who served four Crowned Heads in that capacity, as different in intellect and turn of mind as principle; namely, Henry the Eighth, Edward the Sixth, Queen Mary, and Queen Elizabeth. Strypė, in his Ecclefiaftic Memorials, in 1553, fays of Sir John Cheek:

"In the next month, viz. June, a third Secretary was appointed, (a thing not known before,) viz. Sir John Cheek, whofe love and zeal for religion made him fafe to the intereft of Lady Jane; and a gift was added to him and his heirs, of Clare, in Suffolk, with other lands, to the yearly value of one hundred pounds."

That the appointment in his favour was merely the refult of political arrangement, to forward the Duke of Northumber

land's