Members into an oblivion of their male-adminiftration.

What opinion has the learned Gentleman of a Secretary of State? Does he think him fo inert, fo inactive, so incapable a creature, that with all this vaunted patronage of the feven in his own hands, the fame means of foothing, and foftening, and meliorating are thrown away upon him. The learned Gentleman has been for fome years converfant with Ministers; but his experience has taught him, it feems, to confider Secretaries not only untainted and immaculate, but innocent, harmless, and incapable. In his time, Secretaries were all purity-with every power of corruption in their hands; but fo inflexibly attached to rigid rectitude, that no temptation could feduce them to ufe that power for the purpose of corupting, or, to use his own words, for foothing, or foftening, or meliorating. The learned Gentleman has formed his opinion of the fimplicity and inaction of Secretaries, from that golden age of political probity, when his own friends were in power, and when himself was every thing but a Minifter. This erroneous humanity of opinion arifes in the learned Gentleman's 'unfufpecting, unfullied nature, as well as in a commerce with only the best and pureft Minifters of this country, which has given him fo favourable an impreffion of a Secretary of State, that he thinks this patronage, fo dangerous in the hands of feven Commiffioners, perfectly fafe in his hands. I leave to the learned Gentleman that pleafure which his mind muft feel under the conviction with which he certainly gives this 'opinion; but I fubmit to every man who hears me, what would be the probable comments of the other fide of the House, had I propofed either the erection of an Indian Secretary, or the annexation of the Indian bufinefs to the office which I hold.

In the aflemblage of the learned Gentleman's objections, there is one ftill more curious than thofe I have mentioned. He diflikes this Bill, because it eftablishes an imperium in imperio. In the courfe of oppofition to this measure, we have been fami

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liarized to hear certain fentiments and particular words in this House-but directed, in reality, to other places. Taking it, therefore, for granted, that the learned Gentleman has not fo despicable an idea of the good sense of the Members, as to expect any more attention within these walls to fuch a dogma, than has been shewn to the favourite phrase of his Hon. Friend near him, (Mr. William Pitt) who calls a Bill which backs this finking Company with the credit of the State, a confifcation of their property, I would wish to ask the learned Gentleman, if he really holds the understanding, even of the multitude, in fuch contempt, as to imagine this fpecies of argument can have the very flightest effect? The multitude know the fallacy of it as well as the learned Gentleman himself. They know that a diffolution of the Eaft-India Company has been wished for scores of years, by many good people in this country, for the very reason that it was an imperium in imperio. Yet the learned Gentleman, with infinite gravity of face, tells you he dislikes this Bill, becaufes it establishes this novel and odious principle. Even a glance of this Bill, compared with the prefent conftitution of the Company, manifefts the futility of this objection, and proves that the Company is, in its prefent form, a thousand times more an imperium in imperio than the propofed Commiffioners. The worft fpecies of Government is that which can run counter to all the ends of its inftitution with impunity. Such exactly was the Eaft-India Company. No man can say, that the Directors and Proprietors have not, in a thousand inftances, merited fevere infliction; yet who did ever think of a legal punishment for either body? Now the great feature of this Bill is to render the Commiffioners amenable, and to punish them upon delinquency.

The learned Gentleman prides himself that his Bill did not meddle with the commerce of the Company; and another Gentleman, after acknowledging the folly of leaving the government in the hands of the Company, propofes to feparate the commerce entirely from the dominion, and leave the former fafe

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and untouched to the Company itself. I beg leave to appeal to every Gentleman converfant in the Company's affairs, whether this measure is, in the nature of things, practicable at this moment. That the separation of the commerce from the government of the East may be ultimately brought about, I doubt not; but when Gentlemen reflect upon the immediate state of the Company's affairs, when they reflect that their government was carried on for the fake of their commerce, that both have been blended together for fuch a feries of years; when they review the peculiar, perplexed, and involved state of the caftern territories, their diffimilitude to every fyftem in this part of the globe, and confider the deep and laborious deliberation with which every step for the establishment of a falutary plan of government, in the room of the prefent odious one, must be taken -the utter impoffibility of inftantly detaching the governing power from interference with the commercial body, will be clear and indubitable.

A Gentleman has asked, why not choose the Commiffioners out of the body of Directors; and why not leave the choice of the Affiftant Directors in the Court of Proprietors? That is to fay, why not do that which would infallibly undo all you are aiming at? I mean no general disparagement when I say, that the body of the Directors have given memorable proofs, that they are not the fort of people to whom any man can look for the fuccefs or falvation of India. Amongst them there are, without doubt, fome individuals, refpectable both for their knowledge and integrity; but I put it to the candour of Gentlemen, whether they are the fpecies of men whose wisdom, energy, and diligence, would give any promise of emancipating the Eaft-India concerns from their prefent difafters and difgraces. Indeed, both queftions may be answered in two words. Why not choose the Directors, who have ruined the Company? Why not leave the power of election in the Proprietors, whe have thwarted every good attempted by the Directors?

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The laft point adverted to by the learned Gentleman relates to influence; and upon his remarks, combined with what fell from fome others upon the fame fubject, I beg leave to make a few obfervations. Much of my life has been employed to diminifh the inordinate influence of the Crown. In common, with others, I fucceeded, and I glory in it. To fupport that kind of influence which I formerly fubverted, is a deed of which I fhall never deferve to be accused. The affirmation with which I first introduced this plan, I now repeat: I re-affert that this Bill as little augments the influence of the Crown, as any measure which can be devised for the government of India, that prefents the flightest promise of solid success, and that it tends to increase it in a far lefs degree than the Bill propofed by the learned Gentleman. The very genius of influence cónfists in hope or fear; fear of lofing what we have, or hope of gaining more. Make thefe Commiffioners removeable at will, and fet all the little paffions of human nature afloat. If benefit can be derived from the Bill, you had better burn it than make the duration fhort of the time neceffary to accomplish the plans it is deftined for. That confideration pointed out the expedi ency of a fixed period; and in that refpect it accords with the principle of the learned Gentleman's Bill; with this fuperior advantage, that inftead of leaving the Commiffioners liable to all the influence which fprings from the appointment of a Governor-General, removeable at pleafure, this Bill invests them with the power for the time specified, upon the fame tenure that British Judges hold their station, removeable upon delinquency, punishable upon guilt, but fearlefs of power if they discharge their truft; liable to no feducement, and with full time and au thority to execute their functions for the common good of the country, and for their own glory. I beg of the House to attend to this difference, and then judge upon the point of increafing the influence of the Crown, contrafted with the learned Gentleman's Bill.

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The ftate of accufations against me upon this fubject of influence, is truly curious. The learned Gentleman, (Mr. Dundas) in ftrains of emphafis, declares, that this Bill diminishes the influence of the Crown beyond all former attempts; and calls upon those who formerly voted with him in fupport of that influence, againft our efforts to reduce it, and who now fit near me, to join him now in oppofing my attempts to diminish that darling influence. He tells them, I out-herod Herod; that I am out-doing all my former out-doings; and proclaims me as the mercilefs and infatiate enemy of the influence of the Crown.

Down fits the learned Gentleman, and up ftarts an Hon. Gentleman, with a charge against me, upon the fame subject, of a nature the direct reverse. I have fought under your banner, cries the Hon. Gentleman, (Mr. Martin) against that fell giant the influence of the Crown; I have bled in that battle which you commanded, and have a claim upon the rights of foldierfhip. You have conquered through us; and now that victory is in your arms, you turn traitor to our cause, and carry over your powers to the enemy. The fierceft of your former combatants in the cause of influence, falls far fhort of you at this moment; your attempts in re-erecting this monster, exceed all the exertions of your former foes. This night you will make the influence of the Crown a coloffus, that shall beftride the land, and crush every impediment. I impeach you for treachery to your ancient principles-come, come, and divide with us!

This Hon. Gentleman, after a thruft or two at the Coalition, fits down and whilft the House is perplexing itself to reconcile these wide differences, the Right Hon. Gentleman over the way (Mr. W. Pitt) confounds all past contradictions, by combining, in his own person, these extravagant extremes. He acknowledges that he has digefted a paradox; and a paradox well he might call it, for never did a groffer one puzzle the intellects of a public affembly. By a miraculous kind of difcern

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