the force of this country can crush America to atoms. I know the valour of your troops. I know the skill of your Officers. There is not a company of foot that has served in America, out of which you may not pick a man of fufficient knowledge and experience, to make a Governor of a colony there. But on this ground, on the Stamp-Act, when fo many here will think it a crying injuftice, I am one who will lift up my hands against it. In fuch a cause your fuccefs would be hazardous.—America, if fhe fell, would fall like a strong man. She would embrace the pillars of the State, and pull down the Conftitution along with her. Is this your boafted peace? Not to fheath the fword in its scabbard, but to fheath it in the bowels of your countrymen? Will you quarrel with yourselves, now the whole House of Bourbon is united inft you? While France difturbs your fisheries in Newfoundland, embarraffes your trade to Africa, and with-holds from your fubjects in Canada their property ftipulated by Treaty; while the ranfom for Manillas is denies by Spain, and its gallant conqueror basely traduced into a mean plunderer, a Gentleman (Colonel Draper) whofe noble and generous fpirit would do honour to the proudeft grandee of the country. The Americans have not acted in all things with prudence and temper. They have been wronged. They have been driven to madness by injuftice. Will you punish them for the madness you have occafioned? Rather let prudence and temper come firft from this fide. I will undertake for America. that she will follow the example. There are two lines in a ballad of Prior's, of a man's behaviour to his wife, so applicable to you and your Colonies, that I cannot help repeating them: Be to her faults a little blind, Mr. Pitt, Dec. 17, 1765. I HERE I HERE in my place, as a reprefentative of the nation, require and demand a full and impartial inquiry into the caufes of the miscarriage of the northern army, in an expedition from Canada. It is a great national object. The crifis of the time emphatically requires it. The existence of the British Empire depends upon the exertions of the military, and the best foundation for public fpirit is public juftice. In addition to the natural animation, which, as Britons, the army poffefs, place before their eyes that fecondary spring and comptroller of human actions, reward and punishment. Let the first and most glorious reward, the honeft applause of the country, be obtained by a fcrutiny into truth, for those who deferve it: on the contrary, if there has been delinquency, let the spirit of Manlius prefide in the punishment. "The hand of fate is over us, and heaven "Exacts feverity from all our thoughts." If there has been difobedience; if unauthorized by circumftances, if uncompelled by orders, (for I will never fhrink from that plea) a General has rafhly advanced upon an enemy, and engaged againft infurmountable odds, the difcipline of the state fhould ftrike, though it were a favourite fon. Thefe, Sir, are the means to excite true ambition in yourleaders, these are the means to keep them in due restraint; this was the fyftem of the glorious Patriot (Lord Chatham) whofe obfequies ye now celebrate; and, could his afhes awaken, they would burft their cerements to support it. As for myself, if I am guilty, I fear I am deeply guilty; an army loft! the fanguine expectation of the kingdom disappointed! a foreign war caufed, or the commencement of it accelerated! an effufion of as brave blood as ever run in British veins fhed! and the fevereft family diftreffes combined with, public calamity! If this mass of miseries be, indeed, the confequence of my misconduct, vain will be the extenuation I can plead plead of my personal sufferings, fatigue and hardship, laborious days and fleepless nights, ill health and trying fituations; poor and infufficient will be fuch atonement in the judgment of my country, or perhaps in the eyes of God-yet, with this dreadful alternative in view, I provoke a trial-give me inquiry— I put the interefts that hang most emphatically by the heartfrings of man-my fortune-my honour-my head-I had almost faid my falvation, upon the test. But, Sir, it is a consolation to me to think that I shall be, even in furmife, the only culprit-Whatever fate may attend the General who led the army to Saratoga, their behaviour at that memorable spot muft entitle them to the thanks of their country. Sir, it was a calamitous, it was an awful, but it was an honourable hour-during the fufpence of the answer from the General of the enemy, to the refufal made by me of complying with the ignominious conditions he had proposed, the countenance of the troops beggars description—a patient fortitude, a fort of ftern refignation, that no pencil nor language can reach, fat on every brow. I am confident every breaft was prepared to devote its laft drop of blood, rather than fuffer a precedent to stand upon the British annals of an ignoble furrender. Sir, an important fubject of enquiry ftill remains. The tranfactions at Cambridge, and the caufe of the detention of troops. If I there have been guilty, let me there alfo be the only fufferer. Sir, there is a famous ftory in ancient hiftory that bears fome analogy to my circumftances; and when allufions tend to excite men's minds to exertions of virtue or policy, I fhall never think them pedantic or misplaced. The event I mean happened in an age when Roman virtue was at its height. It was that wherein Manlius devoted his fon, and the first Decius devoted himfelf. A Roman army, fhut up by the Samnites at Caudium, were obliged to furrender their arms, and to fubmit to the more ignominious condition of paffing under the yake of 1 1 of the enemy. The Conful who had commanded them, proposed in the Senate, to break the treaty whereby the army was loft to the State, and to make him in perfon the expiation, by fending him bound to the enemy to fuffer death at their hands. In one point of view the prefent cafe extremely differs from the example; because, by the Treaty of Saratoga, the army was faved to the State. It is the non-compliance with public faith that alone can lofe it-and here the parallel will hold; if I have been inftrumental to the lofs of thofe brave troops fince the Treaty, I am as culpable as if I had loft them by the Treaty, and ought to be the facrifice to redeem them. Sir, this refe-. rence may appear vain-glorious. It may be doubted, whether there exists in these times, public spirit seriously to emulate such examples. I perhaps fhould find myself unequal; but others who are most ready to judge me fo, must at least give credit to one motive for ftating the parallel-That I am too conscious of innocence to apprehend there is the least risk of being exposed to the trial. General Burgoyne, May 26, 1778. You have now two wars before you, of which you muft chufe one, for both you cannot fupport; the war against America has hitherto been carrried on against her alone, unaffisted by any ally whatever; notwithstanding the ftood alone, you have been obliged uniformly to increase your exertions, and to push your efforts in the end to the extent of your power, without being able to bring it to any issue: you have exerted all your force hitherto without effect, and you cannot now divide a force found already inadequate to its object: my opinion is for withdrawing your forces from America entirely, for a defenfive war you never can think of there of any fort: a defenfive war would ruin this nation at any time, and in any circumstances; offenfive war is pointed out as proper for this country; our fituation points it out, and the spirit of the nation impels us to attack rather than defence: attack France France then, for fhe is your object: the nature of the wars is quite different; the war againft America is against your own countrymen, you have stopped me from faying against your fellow fubjects; that against France is against your inveterate enemy and rival: every blow you ftrike in America is against yourselves; it is against all idea of reconciliation, and against your own intereft, though you should be able, as you never will, to force them to fubmit: every ftroke against France is of advantage to you; the more you lower the fcale in which France. lays in the balance, the more your own rifes, and the more the Americans will be detached from her as ufalefs to them: even your victories over America are in favour of France, from what they must coft you in men and money; your victories over France will be felt by her ally; America must be conquered in France, France never can be conquered in America. The war of the Americans is a war of paffion; it is of such a nature as to be supported by the most powerful virtues, love of liberty and of their country; and at the fame time by those paffions in the human heart which give courage, ftrength, and perfeverance to man; the spirit of revenge for the injuries you have done them, of retaliation for the hardships you have inflicted on them, and of oppofition to the unjuft powers you have exercifed over them; every thing combines to animate them to this war, and such a war is without end: for whatever obftinacy enthusiasm ever inspired man with, you will now find it in America; no matter what gives birth to that enthusiasm, whether the name of religion or of liberty, the effects are the fame; it inspires a spirit that is unconquerable and solicitous to undergo difficulty, danger, and hardship: and as long as there is a man in America, a being formed such as we are, you will have him present himself against you in the field. The war of France is a war of another fort; the war of France is a war of intereft it was her interest first induced her to engage in it, and it is by that intereft that she will meafure its continuance : turn your face at once againft her, attack her wherever the is VOL. I. expofed, S |