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the force of this country can crush America to atoms. I know the valour of your troops. I know the skill of your Officers. There is not a company of foot that has served in America, out of which you may not pick a man of sufficient knowledge and experience, to make a Governor of a colony there. But on this ground, on the Stamp-Act, when so many here will think it a crying injustice, I am one who will lift up my hands against it.
In such a cause your success would be hazardous.--America, if she fell, would fall like a strong man. She would embrace the pillars of the State, and pull down the Constitution along with her. Is this your boasted peace? Not to fheath the sword in its scabbard, but to sheath it in the bowels of your countrymen? Will you quarrel with yourselves, now the whole House of Bourbon is united ainst you? While France disturbs your fisheries in Newfoundland, embarrasses your trade to Africa, and with-holds from your subjects in Canada their property ftipulated by Treaty; while the ransom for Manillas is denies by Spain, and its gallant conqueror basely traduced into a mean plunderer, a Gentleman (Colonel Draper) whose noble and generous spirit would do honour to the proudest grandee of the country. The Americans have not acted in all things with prudence and temper. They have been wronged. They have been driven to madness by injustice. Will you punish them for the madness you have occasioned ? Rather let prudence and temper come first from this fide. I will undertake for America that she will follow the example. There are two lines in a ballad of Prior's, of a man's behaviour to his wife, so applicable to you and your Colonies, that I cannot help repeating them :
• Be to her faults a little blind,
Mr. Pitt, Dec. 17, 1765.
I HERE in my place, as a representative of the nation, require and demand a full and impartial inquiry into the causes of the miscarriage of the northern army, in an expedition from Canada.
It is a great national object. The crisis of the time emphatically requires it. The existence of the British Empire depends upon the exertions of the military, and the best foundation for public spirit is public justice. In addition to the natural animation, which, as Britons, the army possess, place before their eyes that secondary spring and comptroller of human actions, reward and punishment. Let the first and most glorious reward, the honest applause of the country, be obtained by a fcrutiny into truth, for those who deserve it: on the contrary, if there has been delinquency, let the spirit of Manlius preside in the punishment.
« The hand of fate is over us, and heaven
« Exacts severity from all our thoughts.” If there has been disobedience; if unauthorized by circumftances, if uncompelled by orders, (for I will never shrink from that plea) a General has rafhly advanced upon an enemy, and engaged against insurmountable odds, the discipline of the state fhould strike, though it were a favourite son.
I, Lictor, deliga ad palum." These, Sir, are the means to excite true ambition in your leaders, these are the means to keep them in due restraint; this was the fystem of the glorious Patriot (Lord Chatham) whose obsequies ye now celebrate; and, could his afhes awaken, they would burft their cerements to support it.
As for myself, if I am guilty, I fear I am deeply guilty; an army loft! the sanguine expectation of the kingdom disappointed! a foreign war caufed, or the commencement of it accelerated! an effusion of as brave blood as ever run in British veins fhed ! and the severest family distresses combined with, public calamity! If this mass of miseries be, indeed, the confequence of my misconduct, vain will be the extenuation I can
plead of my personal sufferings, fatigue and hardship, laborious
But, Sir, it is a consolation to me to think that I shall be, even in surmise, the only culprit-Whatever fatę may attend the General who led the army to Saratoga, their behaviour at that memorable spot must entitle them to the thanks of their country. Sir, it was a calamitous, it was an awful, but it was an honourable hour during the suspence of the answer from the General of the enemy, to the refusal made by me of complying with the ignominious conditions he had proposed, the countenance of the troops beggars description-a patient fortitude, a sort of stern resignation, that no pencil nor lan, guage can reach, sat on every brow. I am confident every breast was prepared to devote its last drop of blood, rather than suffer a precedent to stand upon the British annals of an ignoble surrender.
Sir, an important subject of enquiry ftill remains. The transactions at Cambridge, and the cause of the detention of troops. If I there have been guilty, let me there also be the only sufferer.
Sir, there is a famous story in ancient history that bears some analogy to my circumstances; and when allusions tend to excite men's minds to exertions of virtue or policy, I shall never think them pedantic or misplaced. The event I mean happened in an age when Roman virtue was at its height. It was That wherein Manlius devoted his son, and the first Decius dee. voted himfelf. A Roman army, shut up by the Samnites at Caudium, were obliged to surrender their arms, and to submit to the more ignominious condition of palling under the yake
of the enemy. The Conful who had commanded them, proposed in the Senate, to break the treaty whereby the army was lost to the State, and to make him in person the expiation, by fending him bound to the enemy to suffer death at their hands. In one point of view the present case extremely differs from the example; because, by the Treaty of Saratoga, the army was saved to the State. It is the non-compliance with public faith that alone can lose it and here the parallel will hold; if I have been instrumental to the loss of those brave troops fince. the Treaty, I am as culpable as if I had lost them by the Treaty, and ought to be the sacrifice to redeem them. Sir, this reference may appear vain-glorious. It may be doubted, whether there exists in these times, public spirit seriously to emulate such examples. I perhaps should find myself unequal; but others who are most ready to judge me so, must at least give credit to one motive for stating the parallel—That I am too conscious of innocence to apprehend there is the least risk of being exposed to the trial.
General Burgoyne, May 26, 1778.
You have now two wars before you, of which you must chuse one, for both you cannot support; the war against America has hitherto been carrried on against her alone, unafsifted by any ally whatever; notwithstanding she stood alone, you have been obliged uniformly to increase your exertions, and to push your efforts in the end to the extent of your power, without being able to bring it to any issue : you have exerted all your force hitherto without effect, and you cannot now divide a force found already inadequate to its object: my opinion is for withdrawing your forces from America entirely, for a defensive war you never can think of there of any fort: a defensive war would ruin this nation at any time, and in any circumstances; offensive war is pointed out as proper for this country; our situation points it out, and the spirit of the nation impels us to attack rather than defence : attack
France then, for she is your object: the nature of the wars is quite different; the war against America is against your own countrymen, you have stopped me from saying against your fellow subjects; that against France is against your inveterate enemy and rival : every blow you strike in America is against yourselves; it is against all idea of reconciliation, and against your own interest, though you should be able, as you never will, to force them to submit: every stroke against France is of advantage to you ; the more you lower the scale in which France : lays in the balance, the more your own rises, and the more the Americans will be detached from her as useless to them: even your victories over America are in favour of France, from what they must cost you in men and money; your victories over France will be felt by her ally; America must be conquered in France, France never can be conquered in America. The war of the Americans is a war of passion; it is of such a . nature as to be supported by the most powerful virtues, love of liberty and of their country; and at the same time by those passions in the human heart which give courage, strength, and perseverance to man; the spirit of revenge for the injuries you have done them, of retaliation for the hardships you have inficted on them, and of opposition to the unjust powers you have exercised over them; every thing combines to animate them to this war, and such a war is without end: for whatever obstinacy enthusiasm ever inspired man with, you will now find it in America ; no matter what gives birth to that enthusiasm, whether the name of religion or of liberty, the effects are the fame; it inspires a spirit that is unconquerable and solicitous to undergo difficulty, danger, and hardship: and as long as there is a man in America, a being formed such as we are, you will have him present himself against you in the field. The war of France is a war of another fort; the war of France is a war of interest it: was her interest first induced her to engage in it, and it is by that interest that she will measure its continuance : turn your face at once against her, attack her wherever she is VOLI,