wards added; though every wife man at Rome faw, that it was dangerous to join these two commands together; because the firft furnished him of courfe with a great army, and the second with an easy access to Rome itself, in a condition to seize upon the government of his country: but the populace could not fee this danger, nor could they penetrate into his defign of involving his country in a war with the Gauls, or of defiring to continue for several years in the command of those two provinces: whereas his design in both, was perceived by the Senate and great men at Rome. They faw, that by involving his country in war, his defign was to recommend himself to the populace by his military glory; and that by defiring to continue long in the fame command, he defigned to model his army, fo as to make it the army of Julius Cæfar, and not the army of the Commonwealth of Rome.

All this, I fay, Sir, was foreseen by the Senate and great men of Rome; but they neither could recall him, nor call him to an account for unneceffarily involving his country in a war, without the confent of the people: and they were fo blinded by his military exploits, and the favour he had formerly gained among them, that it was not poffible to make them fee the danger, or confent to recall a General, who was every day fending them accounts of victories gained against their ancient and moft formidable enemies. There he ftaid, there he fought successfully, till he made the army his own; and then, instead of difiniffing his army, as was required by the Senate, he marched with it to Rome, and conquered his country. So blind were the people to their own intereft, fo ready to affift their favourite, in overturning the liberties of their country, that the Tribunes they had chofen declared against the Senate, and having fled from Rome, took fhelter in the camp of Cæfar. So it was, Sir, in the Commonwealth of Rome; so it will be in all Commonwealths where the people are vested with too much power. They are extravagant in their favours, as well as refentments, which makes it easy for a favourite to obtain

fo

fo so much power from them, or fuch a long poffeffion of power, as enables him to ftrip them of all manner of power whatsoever: therefore, in every free State, it is abfolutely neceffary, for the preservation of its freedom, to have a Senate or Affembly of Nobles, or Chief Magistrates, vefted with a power to give a check to the extravagancies of the people.

Right Hon. Henry Pelham, Feb. 12, 1744.

I HAVE been charged with giving birth to fedition in America. They have spoken their fentiments with freedom against this unhappy Act, and that freedom has become their crime. Sorry I am to hear the liberty of fpeech in this House, imputed as a crime. But the imputation shall not discourage me. It is a liberty I mean to exercise. No Gentleman ought to be afraid to exercise it. It is a liberty by which the Gentleman (Mr. Grenville) who calumniates it, might have profited. He ought to have defifted from his project. The Gentleman tells us America is obftinate; America is almoft in open rebellion. I rejoice that America has refifted. Three millions of people, fo dead to all the feelings of liberty, as voluntarily to fubmit to be flaves, would have been fit inftruments to make slaves of the reft. I come not here armed at all points, with law cafes and Acts of Parliament, with the Statute Book doubled down in dogs-ears, to defend the cause of liberty: if I had, I myself would have cited the two cafes of Chester and Durham. I would have cited them to have fhewn, that even under any arbitrary reigns, Parliaments were ashamed of taxing a people without their confent, and allowed them Reprefentatives. Why did the Gentleman confine himfelf to Chefter and Durham ? He might have taken a higher example in Wales; Wales that never was taxed by Parliament till it was incorporated. I would not debate a particular point of law with the Gentleman: I know his abilities. I have been obliged to his diligent refearches. But, for the defence of liberty upon a general principle, upon a conftitutional principle, it is a ground on which I ftand

I ftand firm; on which I dare meet any man. The Gentle man tells us of many that are taxed, and are not represented. The India Company, Merchants, Stock-holders, Manufacturers. Surely many of these are reprefented in other capacities, as owners of land, or as freemen of boroughs. It is a misfortune that more are not actually reprefented. But they are all inhabitants, and as fuch are virtually represented. Many have it in their option to be actually reprefented. They have connections with those that elect, and they have influence over them. The Gentleman mentioned the Stock-holders: I hope he does not reckon the debts of the nation as a part of the na tional eftate. Since the acceffion of King William, many Minifters, fome of great, others of more moderate abilities, have taken the lead of Government.

When I had the honour to serve his Majefty, there were not wanting fome, to propose to me to burn my fingers with an American Stamp Act. With the enemy at their back, with our bayonets at their breasts, in the day of their distress, perhaps the Americans would have fubmitted to the impofition; but it would have been taking an ungenerous and unjust advantage. The Gentleman boafts of his bounties to America! Are not these bounties intended finally for the benefit of this kingdom? If they are not, he has mifapplied the national treasures. I am no Courtier of America, I ftand up for this kingdom. I maintain that the Parliament has a right to bind, to reftrain America. Our legislative power over America is fovereign and fupreme. When it ceafes to be fovereign and fupreme, I would advise every Gentleman to fell his lands, if he can, and embark for that country. When two countries are connected together, like England and her Colonies, without being incorporated, the one must neceffarily govern; the greater must rule the lefs; but fo rule it, as not to contradict the fundamental principles that are common to both.

If the Gentleman does not understand the difference between internal and external taxes, I cannot help it; but there is a plain

diftinétion

diftinction between taxes levied for the purposes of raifing a revenue, and duties impofed for the regulation of trade, for the accommodation of the subject; although in the confequences, fome revenue might incidentally arife from the latter.

The Gentleman afks, when were the Colonies emancipated? But I defire to know, when they were made flaves? But I dwell not upon words. When I had the honour of serving his Majesty, I availed myself of the means of information which I derived from my office: 1 fpeak, therefore, from knowledge. My materials were good. I was at pains to collect, to digest, to confider them; and I will be bold to affirm, that the profits to Great-Britain from the trade of the Colonies, through all its branches, is two millions a year. This is the fund that carried you triumphantly through the last war. The eftates that were rented at two thousand pounds a year, three score years ago, are at three thousand pounds at prefent. Those eftates fold then from fifteen to eighteen years purchase; the fame may be now fold for thirty. You owe this to America. This is the price that America pays you for her protection. And shall a miferable Financier come with a boaft, that he can fetch a pepper-corn into the Exchequer, to the lofs of millions to the nation? I dare not fay how much higher thefe profits may be augmented. Omitting the immenfe increafe of people by natural propagation in the Northern Colonies, and the migration from every part of Europe, I am convinced the whole commercial fyftem of America may be altered to advantage. You have prohibited where you ought to have encouraged, and you have encouraged where you ought to have prohibited. Improper reftraints have been laid on the Continent in favour of the Iflands. You have but two nations to trade with in America. Would you had twenty! Let Acts of Parliament in confequence of Treaties remain; but let not an English Mihifter become a Custom-House Officer for Spain, or for any foreign power. Much is wrong, much may be amended for the general good of the whole.

Does

.

Does the Gentleman complain that he has been misreprefented in the public prints? It is a common misfortune. In the Spanish affair of the last war, I was abused in all the newspapers, for having advised his Majefty to violate the law of nations respecting Spain. The abuse was industriously circulated even in hand-bills. If Adminiftration did not propagate the abufe, Administration never contradicted it. I will not fay what advice I did give to the King. My advice is in writing figned by myself, in the poffeffion of the Crown. But I will fay what advice I did not give the King: I did not advise him to violate any of the laws of nations.

As to the report of the Gentleman's preventing, in some way, the trade for bullion with the Spaniards, it was spoken of fo confidently, that I own I am one of those that did believe it

to be true.

The Gentleman muft not wonder he was not contradicted, when, as the Minifter, he afferted the right of Parliament to tax America. I know not how it is, but there is a modesty in this House which does not chufe to contradi&t a Minifter. I with Gentlemen would get the better of this modefty. If they do not, perhaps, the collective body may begin to abate of its refpect for the reprefentative. Lord Bacon had told me, that a great question would not fail of being agitated at one time or another. I was willing to agitate that at the proper season, the German war; my German war they called it. Every Selfions I called out, has any body any objections to the German war? Nobody would object to it; one Gentleman only objected, fince removed to the Upper House by fucceffion to an ancient Barony, (meaning Lord Le Defpencer, formerly Sir Francis Dafhwood) he told me," he did not like a German "war." I honoured the man for it, and was forry when he was turned out of his poft.

A great deal has been faid out of doors, of the power, of the ftrength of America. It is a topic that ought to be cautiously meddled with. In a good cause, on a found bottom,

the